Showing posts with label Albuquerque. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Albuquerque. Show all posts

Saturday, February 20, 2016

BIRDS IN ROCK ART - MACAWS/PARROTS REVISITED:


Macaws, Square Tower Canyon,
Hovenweep Nat. Mon., San Juan
county, UT. Photograph:
Peter Faris, 28 May 1988.

A fascinating subject to study in rock art of the American Southwest, an arid region with much desert, is a picture of a parrot or macaw. But we know that macaws were imported into the American Southwest from their Mesoamerican home during the Ancestral Puebloan periods. On December 15, 2010, I posted a column entitled BIRDS IN ROCK ART - MACAWS, about a group of petroglyphs in Hovenweep National Monument, Utah.

Macaw, West Mesa, Albuquerque,
New Mexico. Photograph: Paul
and Joy Foster.

On March 20, 2011, I posted another column entitled BIRDS IN ROCK ART -PARROTS, about images found in Petroglyph National Monument in West Mesa, Albuquerque, New Mexico. These are birds we think of as jungle creatures from a wetter and more verdant area, one thousand miles away from where the petroglyphs are found.



Two macaws, West Mesa, Albuquerque,
New Mexico. Photograph: Paul
and Joy Foster.

Stephen Lekson (2015) discussed the presence of macaws in this area in terms of logistics (importing/breeding/trading). He relegated to them a function of display and ceremony, almost conspicuous consumption, among upper class rulers at Chaco Canyon, New Mexico, in the twelfth century, and Aztec, New Mexico, in the thirteenth century.
                                                              

Scarlet macaw. Archaeology,
Vol. 68, No. 5, September/October
                           2015 p. 16.
         
"Chaco was a conspicuous eleventh century consumer of macaws. Paquime was a fourteenth-century producer. Aztec . . . well, Aztec had three macaws - two actual macaws (Lori Pendelton, personal communication, 1997) and one macaw feather (Morris 1919:64). Aztec Ruins and its region have not produced many foreign curios.
But, of course, Aztec West is only one of the half dozen large buildings at Aztec. What a different picture we would have of Chaco had only Chetro Ketl and not Pueblo Bonito been excavated! With the current data, however, it appears that long-range exchange - spectacularly evident at Chaco in the twelfth century and Paquime in the fourteenth century - was greatly reduced at Aztec during the thirteenth century." (Lekson 2015:91)

"Macaws were important to Chaco; thirty-four were found at the canyon, and a few were found at Aztec. Paquime had hundreds and bred the birds, probably supplying feathers - needed for developing kachina ceremonialism - to all the Pueblos (Hargrave 1970). "The people wished to go south, and raise parrots," according to the Acoma and Zuni stories; and that's exactly what they did." (Lekson 2015:147)

Now, according to an article in Archaeology magazine (Vol. 68, No. 5, September/October 2015, p.16) by Eric A. Powell, we have a hard date for the presence of those birds in the area. 


Macaw skull, Chaco Canyon, New
Mexico. Archaeology, Vol. 68, No. 5,
September/October 2015, p. 16.

"In the prehistoric American Southwest, trade with distant Mesoamerica was a source of power and prestige that could make or break a ruler. Within the massive multistory buildings at New Mexico's Chaco Canyon, for instance, archaeologists have discovered exotic goods from Mexico, such as cacao and the remains of 33 scarlet macaws, whose natural habitat is 1,000 miles away on the Gulf of Mexico. Scholars had assumed that long-distance trade became important only during the period when Chaco's power was greatest, from A.D. 1040 to 1110. But now a team has dated the macaw bones and found that some were imported as early as A. D. 900. "I was very much surprised," says American Museum of Natural History archaeologist Adam Watson, who helped organize the dating. "I, along with everyone else, assumed the trade networks with Mexico didn't become important until Chaco expanded. Now we have evidence that control over trade and political power were being consolidated long before then." (Powell 2015:16)

It turns out that the presence of macaws/parrots in the American Southwest dates from almost a century earlier than previously assumed. This carries strong implications on the scale of trade between the American Southwest and Mesoamerica, as well as Chacoan societal development. I imagine the impact that a creature like a scarlet macaw would have had on the people of Chacoan society, their presence would seem almost magical. It is this mental and emotional picture that gives these petroglyphs their impact on modern viewers.


REFERENCES:

Lekson, Stephen H.
2015    The Chaco Meridian: One Thousand Years Of Political And Religious Power In The Ancient Southwest, Rowman & Littlefield, Lanham, Maryland.

Powell, Eric A.

2015    Early Parrots in the Southwest, page 16, Archaeology, Vol. 68, No. 5, September/October 2015.

Saturday, April 11, 2015

PLANTS IN ROCK ART - SPROUTING SEEDS?


 
 

 
Sprouting bean petroglyph? Petroglyph Park,
Albuquerque, Bernal County, New Mexico.
Photograph Peter Faris, Sept. 1988.
 
There are petroglyphs on the West Mesa at Albuquerque, that some people identify as arrow fletching, but others tend to see sprouting seeds, particularly beans, in their shapes. The agricultural Ancestral Puebloan peoples relied to a great extent on the three important crops; maize, beans, and squash. We do know that maize or corn is portrayed in rock art, and squash blossoms are an occasional subject in southwestern U.S. rock art. As one of these three staples of their diet, it makes a certain amount of sense that beans would also be included in the catalog of subject matter in rock art of the Puebloan peoples.


 
Sprouting bean petroglyph? Petroglyph Park,
Albuquerque, Bernal County, New Mexico.
Photograph Peter Faris, Sept. 1988.
 
Not only were beans an important food source, they had a role in the ceremonial life of the Puebloan peoples of the American southwest. Sprouted beans play a role in the important ceremony of Powamu in February during which the kachina reappear to the villages. "This ceremony is referred to as the Powamu, or the Bean Dance. The significance of this ceremony is the hope for a successful germination of the crops to be planted later in the spring. During this ceremony dancers distribute bean sprouts that have been grown in heated kivas prior to the ceremony." (www.meta-religion.com)

The Powamu ceremony is opened by the Hopi kachina Ahola, one of the chief kachinas for First and Second Mesas, by rituals inside a kiva before going with the Powamu chief to take prayer feathers to Kachina Spring at the dawn. Afterwards, they visit all of the kivas giving sprouted bean and corn plants. (Wikipedia)

 
 
Sprouting bean seed. inhabit.com.

When a bean seed germinates and sprouts the two halves of the seed split apart and the sprout emerges from between them. This is a fairly good description of the petroglyphs on the West Mesa at Albuquerque, New Mexico, leading to the possibility that they were intended to represent the bean sprouts so vital to this important yearly ceremonial occasion, as well as an important food source to the people who created this rock art.

REFERENCES:


inhabit.com

Wikipedia

Monday, April 7, 2014

A PETROGLYPH OF A SOLAR ECLIPSE WITH A CORONAL MASS EJECTION:


Possible total solar eclipse with Coronal Mass Ejection.
City of Albuquerque, Parks and Recreation Department.

I have maintained in the past my conviction that many of our conventional signs for sun symbols necessarily represent the sun as seen during a total eclipse.  On February 9, 2013, I published “A Possible Total Eclipse of the Sun in Rock Art?” and then on February 23, 2013, I published “Another Possible Solar Eclipse Symbol in Rock Art?” Now a remarkable paper by Dr. Paul Rodriguez in Archaeoastronomy has brought to light an example of a possible solar eclipse portrayal in rock art which may include a coronal mass ejection.

“Dr. Rodriguez is a physicist recently retired from the US Naval Research Laboratory, where his fields of study were in space and plasma physics. He conducted experiments with satellites, rockets, and high power radio wave transmitters. In recent years, his research is in low frequency radio wave astronomy, conducting experiments with lunar and solar radar echoes. Dr. Rodriguez is continuing these research investigations in addition to his studies of archaeoastronomy in the American Southwest.” (Rodriguez 2010:132)


Possible total solar eclipse with Coronal Mass Ejection,
Albuquerque, NM. Phtotgraph Dr. Paul Rodriguez.

In Rodriguez’s words “Coronal mass ejections (CMEs) are a large-scale disruption of the corona that results in a significant amount of the mass (electrons and ions) being ejected and often leaving behind a void or depletion in the corona. The apparent size of a CME is comparable to or larger than the angular diameter of the Sun (about .5° as seen from Earth). On a time scale of hours, a CME can move a distance of several times the diameter of the Sun. As the CME moves radially outward, it expands and develops a distinct elongated structure. CMEs, like the corona itself, cannot be seen by the casual daytime observer because the light of the Sun is too intense to permit visual observation. Only during a total solar eclipse is it possible to see directly the faint light scattered from the solar corona structures. However, total solar eclipses are sufficiently infrequent and of short duration that natural solar eclipses do not permit a sustained program of scientific observations of the corona.”  (Rodriguez 2010:133) Today such scientific observations are carried out using the coronagraph which allows observation of the sun’s corona with the solar disc blocked out so long-term and continuous study of the solar corona can be maintained. Before the development of such instruments the observation of a CME would have been possible only on an accidental basis during a total eclipse.


Guglielmo Tempel drawing of AD 1860 solar eclipse 
including CME. High Altitude Observatory. 
www.hao.ucar.edu-education-img-oldcme

Rodriguez also points to a report by J. A. Eddy (1974) that points out that a drawing was produced during a solar eclipse in AD 1860 by Guglielmo Tempel which appears to illustrate a CME, “now often referred to as the first observation of a coronal mass ejection.” (Rodriguez 2010:134)

The petroglyph illustrated in this report is near Albuquerque, New Mexico. Petroglyphs in this area date to no earlier than AD 1300 for the most part. “The petroglyph shows what may be a variant of the Sun symbol. – This part of the petroglyph has some resemblance to the Zia sun symbol.” (Rodriguez 2010:134)  In my February 9, 2013, column I suggested that the Zia sun symbol represented the sun seen during a total solar eclipse.

Rodriguez listed four prehistoric solar eclipses that postdated AD 1300 and that would have been seen from the location of the petroglyph in question near Albuquerque (in other words the path of totality would have passed over the location of the petroglyph). These occurred in AD 1379, AD 1397, AD 1557, and in AD 1806. He concluded “that any one of these eclipses could have been the event recorded in the petroglyph. If so, then this petroglyph may also be one of the first historical records of a coronal mass ejection.” (Rodriguez 2010:139)

How exciting that a petroglyph in New Mexico might illustrate an observation of a phenomenon by a Native American sun-watcher that predates any record of this phenomenon by Western science. Maybe we should think twice before discounting “primitive” knowledge and beliefs. In any case thank you to Dr. Paul Rodriguez for passing this discovery on.


REFERENCES:

Eddy, J. A.
1974    A Nineteenth-Century Coronal Transient, Astronomy and Astrophysics, (34:235-240). Great Moments in Solar Physics. High Altitude Observatory (HAO) website on historical material, http://www.hao.ucar.edu/public/education/education.html.

Rodriguez, Paul
2010    Petroglyph Record of a Solar Eclipse?, in Archaeoastronomy, Volume XXIII, University of Texas Press, Austin, p. 132-140.

Saturday, October 20, 2012

EAGLE/STAR/RATTLESNAKE:

We rock art enthusiasts are generally very excited by an image that combines traits, and perhaps meanings. It illustrates the change of belief patterns wherein one or more separate ideas are melding into a new combined belief or idea.  On August 11, 2012, I posted a column about my belief that the origin of the Star Kachina (or Chasing Planet Kachina) was prompted by the appearance of Halley’s Comet and by the melding of the images of the eagle and a star.


Eagle/Star/Rattlesnake petroglyph, from West Mesa,
Albuquerque, N.M. Photo: Peter Faris, 1988.

This idea is taken further by one of my favorite petroglyphs from West Mesa at Albuquerque. This shows the eagle and star combined as before but in this example the combined image also serves as the head of a rattlesnake. While I have not found any references to this combined three-way image I would not be terribly surprised to hear of one in ancestral pueblo mythology. Indeed, the artist who produced this image must have had something in mind when it was being created, and what an interesting story it must be.

Saturday, August 11, 2012

HALLEY'S COMET AND THE ORIGIN OF THE STAR KACHINA:

The period around ca. AD 1300 was a time of upheaval in the Rio Grande valley area with the migration of Anasazi in from the four-corners area to the northwest, which was being abandoned due to drought.  Such periods of social change are often periods of intellectual change as well as people strive to adapt their beliefs and understandings to the new conditions.

In late summer AD 1301 there was a spectacular appearance of Halley's Comet in the skies. Other spectacular comet appearances that were recorded from about that time in European or Chinese records, or both, date from AD 1264, AD 1299, and AD 1337, but the AD 1301 appearance of Halley's Comet may have been the most spectacular. Descriptions indicate that its tail was impressively long, it is estimated to have subtended an angle of as much as 70º across the sky.



Hopi Nangasohu Kachina, Star or Chasing-Planet Kachina.
From Hopi Kachinas, Barton Wright, 1977, Northland Press,
Flagstaff. Four-pointed star painted on front of case mask,
and feathered ruff headdress representing eagle tail.


The Hopi Nangasohu Kachina, the Chasing Star or Meteor Kachina of Oraibi is pictured wearing a case mask with a big star across the front and a ruff of eagle feathers across the top.   This combines two related sky concepts into one: the star of the night sky and the eagle, beast god of the above. Both of these themes can be identified in rock art of the Anasazi and their merging can be followed in rock art of the upper Rio Grande. The Hopi word nanga means "to pursue" and sohu means "star." A beautiful figure, Na-ngasohu appears in the Bean Dance Procession and carries a bell in his right hand.  He wears a large eagle plume fan behind his head.


Galisteo, NM. Star Petroglyph with facial features, Eagle tail, and 
eagle's taloned legs added. This represents a fusion of the star theme
with the sky theme of the Eagle. Photo: Peter Faris, 1988.


The cruciform or four-pointed star is found throughout North America and innumerable examples are illustrated in rock art. These examples range from the simplest pair of crossed lines to more ornate examples, some with single or even double outlines. The variation developed by the Anasazi of the Rio Grande area portrays each arm of the star as a triangle with their bases coming together in the center as do the arms of our traditional five-pointed star. This center was often portrayed with a circle inside it which, in turn, was frequently converted to a simple face by the addition of marks representing two eyes and a mouth.

The added facial features imply personification, the star is not just a light in the sky - it is now a being. It would seem only natural to identify the star as a sky spirit and perhaps various star portrayals were considered by their creators to portray various spirits or deities from their pantheon.

With the important position that the eagle held among these sky-related beings it would only seem natural to find examples of stars combined with the characteristics of eagles.  Examples show the star with facial features and legs ending in eagle talons. Further examples add the eagle's tail and this is illustrated in petroglyphs from West Mesa at Albuquerque, NM, as well as from the Galisteo Basin. These final examples demonstrate that the integration of the Star theme with the Eagle is complete.



Star personage, Galisteo, NM. Photo: Peter Faris, Sept. 1988.

These images from the Albuquerque area are dated from the Pueblo IV period, ca. AD 1300 - 1540, and those from the Galisteo Basin are assigned to the post-ca. AD 1300 period. The fusion of the Star and Eagle concepts developed an image in which the star was portrayed with the tail of an eagle projecting upward, perhaps to illustrate the eagle in a stoop or a dive. This is virtually identical with the Hopi Nangasohu Kachina identified as the Chasing Star or Meteor Kachina and described above. Indeed the combination of the concepts of the stooping eagle and a star would very strongly suggest the appearance of a comet with its tail of light.
                                                                                                                                                                      


Galisteo, NM. Star-Kachina petroglyph.
Note Eagle tail headdress and star head.
Photo: Peter Faris

This suggests that the record preserved in the rock art of the Galisteo Basin and the upper Rio Grande area in New Mexico records the spectacular appearance of Halley's Comet in AD 1301, as well as its evolution into a specific sacred being among the kachinas of the Ancestral Puebloan pantheon, and its subsequent influence on their culture.


Saturday, March 3, 2012

KOKOPELLI:


Humpbacked flute player, Albuquerque,
NM. Photo: Peter Faris, 1988.

One of the most easily recognized kachinas because of the hump on his back. His black mask has white-rimmed eyes and a white stripe subdividing the face vertically over the top. A conical beak points up which is made of corn husks in real life. He also has feathers or antenna-like protrusions on his head. His name, the Humpback Flute Player, comes from a flute that he carries which may have its end carved in the shape of a flower. He also carries a shepherd’s staff with which to catch girls that he attracts with his flute music or a bag of candy that he carries.

Humpbacked flute player, Mesa Prieta, Rio Arriba county,
NM, Photo Peter Faris, 1997.

Bolder versions of Kokopelli portray him with a large phallus. He is then the personification of nymphomania.  Among the Hopi, Kokopelli carries unborn children on his back and distributes them to women (for this reason, young girls often fear him). He often takes part in rituals relating to marriage, and Kokopelli himself is sometimes depicted with a consort, a woman called Kokopellimana by the Hopi.

Some people believe that Kokopelli’s humped back is a pack full of seeds of beneficial and useful plants with which he populates the world. In this incarnation he also presides over the multiplication of game animals. With dominion over agriculture Kokopelli brings the season of Spring by playing his flute to chase away the Winter. The Zuni also associate Kokopelli with the rains.


Assassin fly kachina (Kokopelli).

He is sometimes also called the Robber Fly or Assassin Fly kachina because that insect is humpbacked and has long flute-like mouthparts. Kokopelli frequently appears with a Flute Kachina and sometimes carries no flute until he borrows the flute from the Flute Kachina. When that occurs the Assassin Fly Kachina becomes Kokopelli, the hump-backed flute player.

Assassin Fly Kachina (Kokopelli).

The Assassin Fly or Assassin Bug is an insect with a hump on its back. It is a blood-sucking creature with elongated mouthparts which can easily be seen as the flute. I have had the enlightening experience of being bitten on the back by an assassin bug and it was an experience I would not wish to repeat. The feeling was akin to having a red hot needle shoved into my back. Imagining living the life of a puebloan farmer, spending most of my time in the open, I would be quite aware of the assassin bug, and it could well become a focus of superstition.
Our culture has enthusiastically adopted Kokopelli with the predictable results. We have multiplied sillier and sillier kokopellis, riding bicycles, skiing, playing trombones, etc. I own a few myself given to me as gifts by friends. This may be an inevitable part of our society’s attempt to accommodate, understand, and appreciate another culture, but we should not allow this aspect of the modern kokopelli to make us forget the powerful attributes of fertility and blood which he presented to the people who first conceived of him, and that he represents a sacred image to many of our fellow citizens. 

Sunday, March 20, 2011

BIRDS IN ROCK ART - PARROTS:

Parrot and mask, West Mesa, Albuquerque,
NM, Photo: Peter Faris, 1988. 

On December 15, 2010, I posted a column about petroglyphs of macaws at Hovenweep National Monument. In it I discussed them as indications of long distance trade networks between the cultures of the American Southwest and Meso-America in ancient times. I also discussed the value of their brightly colored feathers to the ancient inhabitants of the southwest. Although most of the recorded data concerning the presence of these birds comes from Mimbres and Hohokam sites, pictures of these birds in other locations (like Hovenweep) testify to their equal importance in the Ancestral Puebloan peoples of the Four-Corners area.

Parrots, star, and eagle tail headdress. Petroglyph Nat.
Mon., Albuquerque, NM. Photo: Peter Faris, 1988.

Another area with parrots or macaws pictured as petroglyphs on the rocks comes from the Petroglyph National Monument on West Mesa at Albuquerque, New Mexico. The photographs of parrot petroglyphs accompanying this posting were taken there in 1988.
Close-up of parrots, and eagle tail headdress. Petroglyph
Nat. Mon., Albuquerque, NM. Photo: Peter Faris, 1988.

Both photos include a 6” scale to give an indication of the size of the images. The first picture shows a single parrot in side view along with what I believe is intended to represent a mask. The second picture is of a pair of parrots pictured belly to belly facing each other. This second portrayal is on a boulder with other sky themes including a four-pointed star and another mask surmounted by an eagle tail fan. As can be seen the facial area of the mask is below the surface of the ground and there may be more unseen rock art down there as well.



Wednesday, November 11, 2009

KACHINAS IN ROCK ART - THE SHALAKO:

Although they are not technically kachinas, the shalakos dance in pueblo ceremonials like the kachinas. Resembling giant birds, the Zuni shalakos are up to ten feet tall. While dancing rhythmically, they clack their beaks. They dance until near sunrise. The tall, conical, and long-necked for of the shalako with their long beaks was probably derived from the sandhill crane.


Zuni Shalako, p. 102, Hopi Indian Kachina Dolls
by Oscan T. Branson, 1992,
Treasure Chest Publications, Tucson.

Rock art depictions of the shalako kachina can be dated back to the 14th century but its recent history is more complex. In her book Kachinas In The Pueblo World Polly Schaafsma described the loss of much of the Kachina cult at Hopi. First through the efforts of the Spanish after their conquest of the southwest to eradicate native religions and supplant them with Christianity. This was conducted by the destruction of religious items and shrines, even religious leaders on occasion. Among Pueblo peoples this was manifested by burning kachina masks, costumes, and dolls, and outlawing the dances and ceremonies. Then in the nineteenth century Hopi was swept by smallpox epidemics which killed many of the elders who possessed the ceremonial knowledge necessary for the rites.


Zuni Shalako, by Fred Kobotie, plate 36,
Kachinas in the Pueblo World, Polly
Schaafsma, 1994, University of New
Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
This was apparently the case with the Hopi shalako. Its first recorded appearance at Hopi was in 1870 and its second was in 1893. At the 1893 reappearance a Hopi informant stated that their Shalako ceremony had not occurred for over 30 years. This Hopi shalako was based on the Zuni Sia Shalako, but the ceremony was Hopi based upon reconstructions from memories. Shaafsma relates this story on pages 142-3 of her book. She also related how the lost Hopi Shalako returned to Second Mesa through the efforts of the great Hopi painter Fred Kobotie who painted a reproduction based upon two tablitas he found in the basement of the New Mexico Museum of Fine Arts, and he recognized them as belonging to the Hopi Shalako based on his memories of descriptions by his grandfather.

Shalako petroglyph, West
Mesa, Albuquerque, NM.
Photo: 1988, Peter Faris.
Shalako petroglyph, Galisteo Dike,
NM. Photo: 1988, Peter Faris.
Shalako petroglyph, Galisteo Dike,
NM. Photo: 1988, Peter Faris.
Shalako mask pictograph, Village
of the Great Kivas, Zuni, NM.
Photo: Teresa Weedin.
Shalako depictions are found in rock art in the area of the Western pueblos near both Hopi and Zuni, and are also found in the Rio Grande area. The examples shown here are petroglyphs of shalakos from west of Albuquerque and from Galisteo Dike east of the Rio Grande and south of Santa Fe, and a beautifully painted contemporary pictograph of shalako from the panel of kachina masks at the Village of the Great Kivas near Zuni.