A DECORATED BONE PLAQUE FROM GOBEKLI TEPE:

 

Gobekli Tepe, Turkey. Internet photograph, public domain.

An interesting, and pretty much unique, object was recovered in 2011 during excavations at the site of Gobekli Tepe in Turkey. It was described in a 2016 paper by Oliver Dietrich and Jens Notroff, published in Neo-Lithics, Newsletter of Southwest Asian Neolithic Research.

Carved bone plaque, Gobekli Tepe, Turkey. Internet photograph, public domain.

“In 2011 a special object was discovered at Göbekli Tepe in one of the excavation trenches in the tell’s northwestern depression (area K10-45, Locus 7.2; Fig. 3). Excavation had just proceeded into layers undisturbed by modern plowing, but there were still no traces of architecture, when the fragment of a bone object was found. The artifact was described preliminarily as a ‘spatula’ made from a rib bone. It measures 5.3 x 1.9 x 0.3 cm and carries a carved depiction that is only partially preserved. The image is unclear, however the upper part features two hatched T-shaped forms, one of which is completely preserved, the other only fragmentarily. These T-shapes rapidly led to associations with Göbekli Tepe’s most prominent architectural feature, and to a vivid discussion within the research team focusing on the probability of this interpretation and our comprehension of Neolithic art in general. Indeed, due the complexities of the find the decision was made in 2011 to refrain from any form of premature interpretation. In the meantime, the object was put on display in the Şanlıurfa Museum, where it has since attracted the attention of visitors.”  (Dietrich and Notroff 2016:22) There can be little disagreement with the similarity to the T-shaped pillars of Gobekli Tepe.

Carved bone plaque from Gobekli Tepe, Turkey. Drawing produced by ChatGPT.

It has been customary to describe flattened objects like this as spatulas, as if they were intended to spread a Neolithic peanut butter and jelly sandwich. While that is a description of the shape I have never been comfortable with the connotations of the designation ‘spatula.’

“From the moment of its discovery some colleagues were convinced that the T-shaped objects on the spatula must be representations of the iconic find category of Göbekli Tepe´s archaeological record: the T-shaped pillars. In adherence to this line of thought, a roughly human shaped figure was interpreted as standing in front of the pillars, while in the bottom left corner of the spatula the enclosure walls were thought to be represented. Notably, there are some problems with this interpretation. The perspective of the depiction is not easily understandable, as inside the real enclosures the central pillars stand side by side, not facing each other. An explanation might be sought in the artist’s intention to display the T-shape of the pillars, which was obviously important to Göbekli Tepe’s builders. Furthermore, one of the visible ‘pillar shafts’ is depicted very slender, curved and narrowing in the lower part. An explanation for this could lie in the abilities of the artist to depict a perspective view, or it was not important to them to show these details in a realistic manner.” (Dietrich and Notroff 2016:25) As I stated above there can be little disagreement with the similarity of the engraving to the T-shaped pillars of Gobekli Tepe. The “human shaped figure standing in front of the pillars” is another matter. While many of the T-shaped pillars at Gobekli Tepe are decorated with carved animals and designs, some of them are meant to be stylized humans. I submit that the engraving on the bone plaque is meant to represent those. These pillars have a relatively plain (undecorated) surface but they are carved with arms that come around from the sides and the hands meet in the front, what would be the abdomen on a human. Below the hands are a belt and a draped fox hide. What is being interpreted as a human on the bone plaque may simply be the inner sides of the pillars showing these arms on the surface. If there is any special or sacred significance to these T-shaped pillars then this small carved bone replica may well carry the same significance, and protective power.

Pillar at Gobekli Tepe, Turkey, showing human hands folded on the abdomen above a belt and fox pelt. Photograph from Pinterest.

“If the decoration of the find from Göbekli Tepe remains enigmatic, the object itself could be more revealing. The ‘spatula’ is elongated in shape, the preserved end is curved. This feature makes it doubtful that this is the active part of a tool we commonly would describe as spatula (i.e. a tool with a flat blade used to spread or lift substances). The parallel, only slightly converging rims show that the piece was originally much longer.” (Dietrich and Notroff 2016:27) Of course this is not intended as a spatula as I wrote above.

Closeup of pillar at Gobekli Tepe, Turkey, showing human hands folded on the abdomen above a belt. Photograph from Pinterest

Dietrich and Notroff then go on to make a case for the object to be a fragment of a bullroarer. “A group of objects with a similar general form well known from archaeological and ethnographical contexts are bullroarers, i.e. musical instruments, usually made of wood, that produce a noise when swung on a long cord. Ethnographic data offers a wide variety of possible uses of bullroarers ranging from cultic ritual to more profane tasks, like scaring away animals from plantations. In the archaeological record, bullroarers have been identified since the Paleolithic. In many cases, however, their function has been open to doubt. Prominent, sometimes richly decorated items with a likely bullroarer function stem from important French Palaeolithic sites, inter alia from La Roche de Birol, Dordogne (Magdalenian), Abri de Laugerie Basse (Magdalenian), Lespugue (Solutreen), (and) Badegoule.” (Dietrich and Notroff 2016:28) I believe that this object (app. 2” x >1”) is probably too small to be part of a functioning bullroarer. "The bullroarer, rhombus, or turndun is an ancient ritual musical instrument and a device historically used for communicating over great distances. It consists of a piece of wood attached to a string which, when swung in a large circle, produces a roaring vibration sound." (Wikipedia) This remarkable humming sound can carry for quite a distance, and the larger the bullroarer is, the deeper or more roar-like the sound produced. "A bullroarer consists of a weighted airfoil (a rectangular thin slat of wood about 15 to 60 centimeters (6 to 20 in) long)." This carved bone object does not seem to conveniently fit into the description of a bullroarer.

I suggest that this opject is more likely to be a portable sacred charm referring to the sacred site of Gobekli Tepe, carried like a Medieval relic for its spiritual or protective power, or like a St. Christopher on the dashboard of your car. Whether originally hung like a pendant or carried in a small bag I see it much more like a medicine pouch than a spatula or bullroarer, but whatever the case, it is a fascinating object.

NOTE 1: Some images in this column were retrieved from the internet with a search for public domain photographs. If any of these images are not intended to be public domain, I apologize, and will happily provide the picture credits if the owner will contact me with them. For further information on these reports you should read the original reports at the sites listed below.

NOTE 2: I have omitted citations of sources in some of my quotes from the authors above. To get a full picture of the authors sources go to their original paper listed below.

REFERENCE:

Dietrich, Oliver, and Jens Notroff, 2016, Decordted Bone ‘Spatula’ from Gobekli Tepe: On the Pitfalls of Iconographic Interpretations of Early Neolithic Art, Neo-Lithics, Newsletter of Southwest Asian Neolithic Research, 2016, No. 1, pp. 22-31, Ex Oriente, Berlin. ISSN 1434-6990, Available on ResearchGate.

Wikipedia, Bullroarer, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bullroarer.

WHAT DO FOOTPRINTS MEAN?

 

Footprints (Podomorphs) in Sweden. Image from Fahlander, 2026, Figure 3A.

RockArtBlog has had a number of columns about footprints in rock art over the years (click on footprint in the cloud index at the bottom of the blog). Various sources have speculated that they are meant to symbolize travel, personal identity (like a signature) or even a sort of ‘Kilroy was here’ mark. Now, a new possible meaning has been proposed by Fredrik Fahlander (2026) in a recent publication, the footprints might represent a contract.

Footprints (Podomorphs) in Sweden. Image from Fahlander, 2026, Figure 3B.

Fahlender uses a term for footprints, podomorph, which is somewhat obscure, although I suppose we can consider it accurate. “During the Bronze Age, a particular type of podomorphic petroglyph was produced on the outcrops by the sea in southern Scandinavia, in the Mälaren region of central-eastern Sweden. The study shows that the petroglyphs are organized in relation to water as well as to different minerals visible in the rock. This pattern indicates that they are not simply images or symbols but also physical ‘devices’, produced to do something. One purpose was for the frequent single podomorphs to be paired with another at a later stage. Because podomorphs in a pair generally are of different sizes and form, it is suggested that each one belongs to an individual of different age and/or sex– potentially depicted in stone to show existing or desired future relations, agreements, pacts, friendship, marriages etc.” (Fahlander 2026:1) Fahlander’s paper studies Bronze Age footprints and he points out a very interesting, and diagnostic, fact. In many pairs of footprints the left foot and the right foot are created with differences in style and/or technique, suggesting that they were created by different people and perhaps at different times.

Footprints (Podomorphs) in Sweden. Image from Fahlander, 2026, Figure 3C.

Breaking down footprints in detail Fahlander discusses their styles and the techniques used to create them. “Traditionally, Bronze Age rock art has mainly been discussed from a representational perspective as images or symbols: as is particularly evident in the manner of documentation in which the motifs are rendered as two-dimensional black figures on a white background. This despite the numerous examples reported of how petroglyphs integrate and interact with the microtopography of the rock The representational focus also entails problems of categorization, where different types of motifs of diverse techniques, contexts and potential functions are amalgamated into one single category.” (Fahlander 2026:2) He is looking at the petroglyphs much more closely than just how they relate to the landscape or environment.

Footprints (Podomorphs) in Sweden. Image from Fahlander, 2026, Figure 3D.

 There have long been theories of relationships between rock art and features in the rock like cracks. But, Fahlander seems to take it down almost to a microscopic level in significance. “In recent years, however, research has put more emphasis on aspects of production and how petroglyphs relate to waterflows, fissures and mineral veins in the outcrops. This expanded perspective partially bridges the nature-culture divide and stresses the physicality of the Bronze Age petroglyphs as a type of visual and physical ‘device’ rather than being mere images or symbols.” (Fahlander 2026:2) One potential problem with this, however, is that we may not have much, or accurate, knowledge of waterflow, fissures and mineral veins when the rock art was created. So this assumes that the surface of the rock has not changed since the footprint was placed there.

Differing footprints interacting with the microtopography of the rock. Image from Fahlander, 2026, Figure 6A.

In Scandinavia, Bronze Age podomorphs are produced in various types and can be either fully hollowed out, resembling actual footprints or outlining the shape of a foot sole or a print. Both types can have one or more crossing lines commonly assumed to represent straps to fix the leather sole. Pairs also occur as being merged, sharing a common groove. It is important to note that both types of clad podomorphs are designed to look like real footprints. Several preserved fragments of footwear with and without lacings have been found in Bronze Age oak-coffin burials of both sexes. A real Bronze Age footprint in snow, clay or sand would thus leave either a crossing line like in many of the contour-lined podomorphsor just the plain oval shape of the leather sole.The chronology of the different types is complex. Although the majority of South Scandinavian rock art can be firmly dated to the Bronze Age period, some petroglyphs might be slightly earlier and a few may be of later Iron Age date. The podomorphs stand out from the other motifs since many researchers attribute the majority to the late Bronze Age andpre-Roman Iron Age.” (Fahlander 2026:3) This observation interests me the most in his paper. That the footprints in a pair may not match up. Fahlander’s reasoning here is fascinating.

“One interesting aspect of the Bronze Age podomorphs is that, in contrast to the animal tracks of the Neolithic rock art tradition of northern Fennoscandia, podomorphs only rarely seem to indicate movement . The Järrestad and the Rickeby sites have four naked and six clad podomorphs in succession, respectively. At first glance, they seem to indicate movement, until you realise that they consist of right feet only. At the Tisselskog site in Dalsland is another example of ten podomorphs with toes that seem to take steps down the outcrop. Judging by the toes and arch of the foot, all of them are also right feet. This could suggest an attempt to illustrate movement by jumping on one foot, but it is more likely to be the result of other considerations. At Rickeby, for example, it is striking that the ‘trail’ is actually a series of podomorphs produced within a natural depression in the rock, which is regularly flooded after rain.” (Fahlander 2026: 5-6) These observations, of course, may only be true for Bronze Age footprints (podomorphs) in northern Fennoscandia. Studies elsewhere should show us where else such conclusions can be applied 

Footprint interacting with the microtopography of the rock. Image from Fahlander, 2026, Figure 6B.

“Different interpretations of their meaning and functions. Most common is the idea that they represent actual persons. As such, the imprints are argued to be produced in connection with initiation rites, marking presence or remembrance. Another common theme concerns symbolic representation. Almgren, for example, suggested that podomorphs symbolize the tracks of an elusive deity that cannot be depicted. A third connection is made between podomorphs and death.” (Fahlander 2026: 7)

 Bradley (1999) proposes that podomorphssymbolize the transition between aquatic (realm of death) and land (realm of the living) by leading from the burial mounds on the hillocks down to the sea. Later, Goldhahn (2012) explores a similar connection, emphasizing a relation between podomorphs and graves. Among his examples are Törnsfall 107, a cairn that partly covers a series of podomorphs on the rock beneath, and a block with a pair of podomorphs found adjacent to a cairn in Norway (Simonsen and Vogt 2005). Even though all these interpretations have their merits, none is sufficiently supported by the wider bodyofrockart. The idea of an invisible deity does not resonate well with the abundant single and pairs of podomorphs at some sites. The association of movement of either the sun or the dead lacks footing in the rock art itself, as the podomorphs are static and irregularly oriented in different and opposite directions. The idea that footprints represent real people is somewhat contradicted by the sometimes impossible sizes. In general the sizes are quite small. If taken at face value, the great majority would represent children’s footprints with only a small number belonging to adults. (Fahlander 2026: 7)

      

Footprints interacting with the microtopography of the rock. Image from Fahlander, 2026, Figure 6C.

So the first step is a careful examination of the petroglyphs to decide how closely they might match. “A first question to discuss is whether the visual qualities of the pecked podomorphs refer to shoes, feet or prints. The distinction is important because tracks and feet tend to be considered quite differently in terms of their powers and purposes. The survey of the Mälaren podomorphs shows no indications that any podomorphs are feet viewed from above. On the contrary, the naked feet with toes and the fully hammered-out types both qualify as prints that could have been outlined after a wet footprint on the rock. The contour-lined types are less evident, but the ones with cross-straps are also most likely to represent prints. This attention to detail and the fact that someone took the extra time to peck a crossing groove to make them look like a real print from a shoe with straps must thus be regarded as important. A second significant question is whether podomorphs are general ideograms or prints of particular individuals. The variable sizes of the podomorphs might allow them to be interpreted as particular prints. Taking their lengths at face value would mean that the majority (i.e. 18–25 cm) are imprints of 7–10-year-olds. However, it would not explain the impossible sizes in the lower and uppermost registers (Table 3). Moreover, as many podomorphs are often found on irregular boulders and on rather steep outcrops, where it is difficult for a person to stand, not all (if any) podomorphs are likely to emanate from actual footprints. Thus, we should not expect podomorphs to be exact facsimiles of someone’s print, nor to represent or relate to particular individuals.” (Fahlander 2026:12-13) Now, if we can determine that the individual footprints are not identical this opens up a whole new range of possibilities.

And at this point Fahlander puts it all together with his creative possibility. “Another option that better fits the organization and articulation of the podomorphs relies on the fact that they are produced both as singles and in pairs. That the podomorphs of the majority of pairs - are of different lengths and shapes is probably not a coincidence. This opens up a scenario where the examples of a single podomorph might be the first step in making a pair. A ‘material invitation’ to add another. A case supporting such a notion can be seen in at Boglösa 138, where one of a pair of is only partly hammered out, indicating a process divided into sequential stages transforming one type into another (Fig. 8a). Such a prolonged ritual could potentially involve a quid pro quo scenario where a second podomorph was added after a request or wish has been fulfilled. This would, however, not explain the joined pairs, which most likely were produced in one event. But if each podomorph of a pair ‘belonged’ to different individuals, particularly if of a different age and/or sex, it would make sense of the diverging designs of paired podomorphs (e.g. different sizes and forms, number of straps and contrary orientation, see Fig. 5). Considering the permanence of the petroglyphs, podomorphs might have been employed as a ritualized (or ontological) way of creating a lasting bond between persons: for example, to demonstrate materially friendship, agreements, pacts or marriage etc.” (Fahlender 2026:15) So there we have it. If a footprint represents and individual, then a pair of footprints differing in detail could represent two different individuals, in other words a relationship – a contract. A very intriguing proposition and some very original thinking.

NOTE: In quoting from Fahlander I have removed most of his citations. Readers looking for the original material and his sources should go to his original paper listed below.

REFERENCE:

Fahlander, Fredrik, 2026 , A Step in Stone, Ontologies of Podomorphic Petroglyphs in Southeastern Scandinavian Bronze Age, Oxford Journal of Archaeology published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd. on behalf of University of Oxford.

 

THE MARTIN BOWDIN GALLERY IN THE PURGATORY REVISITED:

Bear and fox, Bowden Trail, Picketwire Canyon, Colorado. Eldon Brown photograph from John and Daphne Rudolph.

Back in August and September of 2015 I did a column in two parts about paintings produced by a gentleman named Martin Bowden on the cliffs of the Purgatoire (Picketwire) Canyon in southeastern Colorado. Some time later I was contacted by a wonderful lady named Alanna Blu who had become enthusiastic about Bowden’s art and wished to work to preserve it. Her efforts have since borne considerable fruit and I wish to celebrate her work and results here in RockArtBlog.

Closeup of the bear, Bowden Trail, Picketwire Canyon, Colorado. Eldon Brown photograph from John and Daphne Rudolph.

Instead of trying to describe a project that I can take very little credit for I will let Alanna describe it in her own words. "What began as a small grassroots effort to reconstruct Martin Bowden's history has steadily expanded into a much larger preservation and documentation enitiative. The mayor of Trinidad has publicly embraced the importance of Bowden's legacy, KOAA5 out of Colorado Springs recently filmed a public-innterest feature on the project, and multiple archaeological and preservation groups have now reached out independently after following the work online" (BLu 2026) My original columns on Bowden included over a dozen pictures of his work. Alanna has noww amassed considerably more material, peserved and made available to the public.

Burro, Bowden Trail, Picketwire Canyon, Colorado. Eldon Brown photograph from John and Daphne Rudolph.

Blu has also been working to share her knowledge of these unique works of rock art. "Most recently, I was invited to give a presentation for an archaeological society, and SPACES (Saving and Preserving Arts and Cultural Environments), the international organization dedicated to visionary environments and outsider art sites, has also contacted me about the project. The conversation around Bowden is shifting from 'local curiosity' into a broader discussion about whether Colorado contains a historically significant outsider folk art environment that deserves long-term documentation and preservation attention. Through all of this, I've continued emphasizing that this effort is fundamentally about documentation, historical reconstruction, and preserving memory - especially as th canyon artwork continues to deteriorate with time." (Blu 2026)

Eldon Brown family visiting , Bowden Trail, Picketwire Canyon, Colorado. Eldon Brown photograph from John and Daphne Rudolph.

She approached this project with a concern to preserve the works and Bowdin’s memory. “Through all of this, I’ve continued emphasizing that this effort is fundamentally about documentation, historical reconstruction, and preserving memory — especially as the canyon artwork continues to deteriorate with time.” Through all of this, I’ve continued emphasizing that this effort is fundamentally about documentation, historical reconstruction, and preserving memory — especially as the canyon artwork continues to deteriorate with time.” (Blu 2026) I could not have said this any better myself. As a student of rock art our goal has to be, as Alanna said, “documentation, historical reconstruction, and preserving memory.”

Eldon Brown's daughters and tiger, Bowden Trail, Picketwire Canyon, Colorado. Eldon Brown photograph from John and Daphne Rudolph.

She has expressed her gratitude to the community for their participation and coming forward with pictures and stories. Those were very valuable when she was putting together pieces of the history of Martin and his life in the canyon. (Blu 2026)

Blu's hard work has resulted in an impressive suite of references on Bowden's creations including the following Wikipedia and Facebook pages. 

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Martin_Bowden

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Painted_Canyon_(Purgatoire_River)

In Facebook search for ‘Martin Bowden and the Painted Canyon.’

She has also registered a Colorado non-profit foundation and is working on a nomination for the National Register of Historic Sites.

It is personally very gratifying to have had a small part in the inspiration for all of this hard work and enthusiasm. I also wish to give credit to John and Daphne Rudolph for the photographs by Eldon Brown of Bowden's paintings that I used. It also gives me great pleasure to know that the future of Martin Bowden's work is in such good hands. Alanna, good work, and thank you. 

REFERENCE:

Blu, Alanna, 2026, personal communication by e-mail.

Faris, Peter, 2015, The Martin Bowdin Gallery in the Purgatory – Part 1, 29 August 2015. https://rockartblog.blogspot.com

Faris, Peter, 2015, The Martin Bowdin Gallery in the Purgatory – Part 2, 5 September 2015. https://rockartblog.blogspot.com

GIRAFFES IN ROCK ART:

Giraffe. Image from Animal Conservation Awareness.

Giraffes, Niger. Internet image, public domain.

One theme in rock art consists of animal portrayals, records of the life in and around the artist’s environment. And, some animals are just more interesting than others. For one reason or another something about them feels improbable, or at least extreme, and that can fascinate us. For me this would include giraffes, the improbably long-necked animal of Africa.

Giraffe, Tanzania. Image from Ritchie, page 102.

Giraffes, as a theme in rock art, are mostly found in various parts of Africa from the South Cape to the Mediterranean because that is where they exist in life. Much of the fascination with giraffes is caused by their improbable build and life. Although they appear to be ungainly, lions seldom manage to take down a fully grown giraffe. They can run deceptively fast and have a deadly kick.

Bosworth, near Klerksdorp, Transvaal. Image from Wilcox, 1963, p. 76. 

In southern and South Africa some San groups regard the giraffe as a ritual animal possessing supernatural potency (often called n/um by Kalahari San peoples). This spiritual force is associated with healing, trance, and access to the spirit world. During healing dances, shamans enter altered states of consciousness. A traditional "Giraffe Medicine Song" has been recorded among Kalahari San communities and is used to help healers enter trance and travel spiritually.

Giraffes appear with frequency in San rock paintings. Many researchers interpret these paintings not simply as hunting scenes but as depictions of spiritual experiences, trance visions, or animals associated with supernatural power. San cosmology is broadly animistic. Animals are not merely game; they are persons or beings with spiritual significance. Giraffes, along with kudu, elephants, and other animals, can appear as guides, powerful beings, or participants in the spirit world. The importance of this role may explain the frequency of their appearance on the rocks.

Matopos, Zimbabwe. Zimmbabwe Ministry of Culture. Image from Ritchie, page 31.

In Zimbabwe “a study of the morphological and behavioral attributes of the giraffe can be central to the understanding of San rock art even though such studies have  to be supported by different theoretical frameworks.” (Muringaniza and Manyanga 2017:11-12) The truly large number of San giraffe portrayals attests to their importance to the culture of these people.

Leaving southern Africa and heading northward toward sub-Saharan Africa we find more giraffe imagery, the most impressive of which is found at Dabous, in Niger. “The Dabous Giraffes are Neolithic petroglyphs by unknown artists on the western side of the Air Mountains in north-cantral Niger. The carvings are 6 meters (20 ft) in height and consist of two giraffes carved into the Dabous Rock with a great amount of detail. One of the giraffes is male, while the other, smaller, is female. The Dabous Giraffes are located on a sandstone outcrop in the Tenere desert in the first foothills of the Air Mountains, about 110 km north of Agadez and a few kilometers from the Trans-Saharan Highway. They are the largest known animal petroglyphs in the world.” (Wikipedia) This last sentence may be questioned given the claim of a gigantic snake petroglyphs found in South America.

Dabous giraffes, Niger. Internet image, public domain.

This location possesses a considerable store of rock art. “In the surroundings, 828 images have been found engraved on the rocks, of which 704 are animals (cattle, giraffes, ostriches, antelopes, lions, rhinoceros, and camels), 61 are human, and 17 are inscriptions in Tifinagh. The carvings are believed to have been done between 6,000 and 8,000 years ago, during the African humid period, when the region was less arid, and the Sahara was a vast savannah.” (Wikipedia) During this period the Sahara desert was a well-watered grassland and we may assume that giraffes were common there at that time.

Dabous giraffes, Niger. Image from Bradshaw Foundation.

“The two life-size giraffe petroglyphs, known as the Dabous giraffe, are the largest known animal carvings in the world. These tall and graceful animals were perceived by a paleolithic society as especially impressive: chimeric figures, with the face of a camel and the spots of a leopard, markings that had been portrayed with such attention to detail in the carvings; animals with a speed and ferociousness in self-defence that belied their unhurried gait? There is no other animal like a giraffe. Or perhaps their unique attribute resided in their unusually large eyes which may have attracted the attention of ancient cultures. The giraffes’ ability to see great distances, beyond scent or sound, would not have gone unnoticed, and may have become a metaphor for foresight and prediction.” (Bradshaw Foundation) ‘May’ and ‘perhaps’ indicate guesswork here, but their unique appearance certainly attracts attention and one would expect would have led to a position of importance in the cosmology of the people. Needless to say, if giraffes had lived in North America there would be a whole lot of giraffe petroglyphs and pictographs here as well.

Giraffe petroglyph, Algeria. Image from Bradshaw Foundation.

Giraffe, Wadi al-Ajal, Libya. Internet image, public domain.

The giraffe is also a common theme in North Africa with examples known from Algeria and Libya.

NOTE 1: ChatGPT was used for researching information about San beliefs concerning giraffes.

NOTE 2: Some images in this column were retrieved from the internet with a search for public domain photographs. If any of these images are not intended to be public domain, I apologize, and will happily provide the picture credits if the owner will contact me with them. For further information on these reports you should read the original reports at the sites listed below.

REFERENCES:

Bradshaw Foundation, Giraffe carvings in the Sahara Desert: Introduction to the Dabous Giraffe Petroglyph. https://www.bradshawfoundation.com/giraffe/. Accessed online 16 May 2026.

Muringaniza, Comfort Simbarashe and Munyaradzi Manyanga, 2017, Necks on the rocks:  the giraffe in the rock art of Jahunda, in Archives, Objects, Places and Landscapes: Multidisciplinary approaches to Decolonized Zimbabwean pasts. Chapter 5, Pub. Langaa Research and Publishing CIG. Bamenda, Camaroon. Accessed online 16 May 2026.

Ritchie, Carson I.A., 1979, Rock Art of Africa, A.S. Barnes and Company, Inc. Cranbury, New Jersey.

Wikipedia, Dabous Giraffes, Accessed online 16 May 2025.

Wilcox, A.R., 1963, Rock Art of South Africa, Thomas Nelson and Sons, Ltd., Johannesburg, South Africa.