Saturday, October 31, 2015
A COSMIC HOAX:
Station #16, Nine-Mile Canyon, UT.
Photograph Peter Faris, 1993.
Close-up of panel at Station
#16, Nine-Mile Canyon, UT.
Photograph Peter Faris, 1993.
In this column I am presenting another egregious mistake
from the book Odyssey of the Pueblo
Indians by William Eaton. On page 145 he presents a petroglyph panel that
he calls a "Pueblo (Fremont) Star Chart". That is his identification
of the well-known petroglyph panel from Station 16, in Nine-Mile Canyon, Utah.
One identification that I take exception to is what he calls
the two-headed mountain sheep. Upon careful examination of the petroglyph
Eaton's second head at the back of the animal is actually a conglomeration
composed of its tail and a couple of curved lines descending from an unknown
mark that has been destroyed by the impact of a large caliber bullet. The
remains of this mark can be seen circling around to the upper right of the bullet
crater.
On the left of this panel is a figure that Eaton calls an
"anthropomorph with a six-ball bola weapon." Now this is a very
interesting figure and does, in fact, remind one of a figure holding a bola. This
figure along with numbers of carefully rounded stone balls found at Fremont
sites have prompted this same identification by many other rock art
researchers. It is an interesting speculation, but one that has not been
proven. For some reason, and absolutely without any evidence at all Eaton has
claimed that "the three balls may possibly refer to the three stars now
called Orion's Belt." Which three balls Mr. Eaton? As you pointed out
there are six.
Then Eaton went on to identify the constellations Ursa
Major, Ursa Minor, and Serpens, as well as a few other stars including Polaris
in additional marks on the cliff face. Unfortunately, the majority of the stars
that Eaton identifies in this panel are, in reality, bullet holes put there by
Anglos much later than the petroglyphs. In many places, we find that
petroglyphs and pictographs provided seemingly irresistible targets to
gun-toting vandals. These unfortunate marks have never had anything to do with
Fremont or Pueblo Native American groups. Additionally, to make the constellation Serpens out of those bullet holes Eaton had to flip the constellation entirely as can be seen in the star chart below.
Star chart of the summer sky showing
Serpens to the left of center. From
Howard, The Telescope Handbook
and Star Atlas, 1967, p. 39.
This so-called "Pueblo (Fremont) Star Chart" is
just another mistaken example of someone who feels compelled to try to force
the facts to fit a theory that they bear no relation to in the real world.
While I applaud Mr. Eaton's enthusiasm, I do have to deplore his methods and
results.
REFERENCES:
Eaton, William M.
1999 Odyssey of the Pueblo Indians, Turner
Publishing Co., Paducah, KY.
Howard, Neale E.
1967 The Telescope Handbook and Star Atlas,
Thomas Y. Crowell Co., New York.
Labels:
9-Mile canyon,
constellation,
petroglyph,
rock art,
stars,
Utah
Monday, October 19, 2015
GLOBAL ROCK ART DATA BASE:

Global Rock Art Data Base home page.
An interesting
new development in rock art recording has come out of Australia with Robert Haubt's
Global Rock Art Database (GRADB). Unlike most rock art Internet sites which
focus on "see my pretty pictures," or using rock art to prove
Creationism, or any of the other many personal goals of the creators of the
websites, Haubt has built a framework for projects and data from all over the
world. I believe his aim is to, in effect, build the central library for
everyone's rock art studies. Even at its early stages the GRADB provides a
wealth of interesting information and provides links to many projects and
destinations. This project forms part of his "PhD thesis which is looking at digital
data management in rock-art heritage." (Haubt 2015)
The Rock Art
Data base currently has "over 200
sites, projects, and other resources currently listed on a world map. The Rock
Art Database brings together hundreds of rock-art projects from around the
world in one centralized hub. Find some of the most amazing rock-art places
from around the world through our interactive map and explore stunning media
galleries showcasing photographs, videos, 3D models and virtual tours."
(Haubt 2015)
"Mission:
The Rock Art Database is a non-for
profit online project at PERAHU, Griffith University in Australia. It seeks to
improve theory and practice in the digital curation of rock art data through
building a centralized global heritage community network. Through the use of
new technologies the database offers new ways to look at heritage data and
explores the potential in digital curation." (Haubt 2015)
This is a very
ambitious project which I believe will prove to be of great value. It will
eventually include "Interactive
Media Presentations: hundreds of photographs, maps, 3D models, Virtual
Tours." (Haubt 2015)
His stated goal
is to provide a resource will contribute to developing a rock art community
where people can "upload, manage,
share, and discuss, to assist conservation, preservation and
education in theory and practice by making rock-art related issues more
accessible and more visible. " (Haubt 2015)
Check this out
for yourself. Go to http://www.rockartdatabase.com/v2/, see the exciting
possibilities, and get on board with Robert Haubt and the Global Rock Art Data
Base.
REFERENCES:
Robert Haubt
(personal communication).
Saturday, October 17, 2015
PALEOLITHIC HORSE DOMESTICATION?
Paleolithic Horse paintings from Chauvet cave.
Photo from www.bradshawfoundation.com.
There is an interesting school of thought today that
maintains that cave paintings of horses, as well as horse effigies carved in
bone or antler, contain clues that point to domestication of the horse by Magdalenian people. One of the major proponents of this interpretation is Paul Bahn. I have elsewhere expressed my great admiration for Paul Bahn for his imaginative approach to interpreting cave art, and his willingness to confront and argue against dogma. I am afraid, however, that in this instance I find myself in the position of arguing against Bahn.
"15. Carving of a horse head from Saint-Michel d'Arudy, France, showing facial lines that indicate the line demarcating the mealy muzzle and the natural contours of the face. These lines have been interpreted by Bahn to represent a bridle. (Drawing courtesy of Randall White)" (Olsen 2003:5)
"The strongest evidence
presented for the control of horses at this early date consists of depictions
of what Bahn (Paul) interprets as bridles on the heads of horses in wall
engravings and effigies carved in stone or antler. These artistic renderings
display lines encircling the nose and running from the nose back toward the ear
(figure 15). At first glance these lines could be interpreted as part of a
bridle, including the nose band, chin strap, and cheekpieces. On closer
inspection, however, it is clear that these lines represent natural features on
the heads of the Pleistocene horses. The wild Asiatic (Przewalski) horse, which
is colored like many of the prehistoric depictions of the European Ice Age
horses, has what is known as a mealy muzzle, or pale cream-colored ring around
the end of the snout (figure 16). This is one of the characteristics of what is
today called a Pangare' coat pattern on horses. Although there are no clear
examples of a mealy muzzle in cave paintings, it is possible that some of the
engravings with lines around the nose are meant to portray this change in
coloration around the tip of the muzzle. The horizontal lines running from the
nose back toward the neck probably represent natural contours or the horse's
head. Curved lines are often incised to represent the contours of the large
masseter muscle at the back of the lower jaw, and some lines indicate changes
in fur patterns. Similar lines are seen on engravings of bison and other
animals, although their positions are slightly different, but no one has
suggested that bison were domesticated. (Olsen 2003:54)
Paleolithic baton de commandment. Public
domain photograph from the internet.
"Bahn also believed that the
Paleolithic batons de commandment were cheekpieces for a bridle. Although they
bear a vague similarity to much-later Bronze Age antler cheekpieces, the batons
are generally larger and heavier with only one very large perforation near one
end. Bronze Age cheekpieces typically have two or three holes for the leather
straps." (Olsen 2003:55)
"Further, Bahn presented
examples of damage on incisors (the anterior teeth) of Paleolithic horses that
he hypothesized was caused by the nervous habit of crib-biting. This practice
has been observed in horses that get bored with being penned and begin to chew
on their stalls. If this behavior occurs only in situations where the animal is
enclosed by a human-made structure, then surely horses were being controlled in
the Paleolithic. R. A. Rogers and L. A. Rogers have shown, however, that
similar damage appears on horse incisors dating to the early and middle
Pleistocene of North America, long before the arrival of humans, Littauer
pointed out that such wear could have just as easily been formed when the
animals browse on the bark of trees." (Olsen 2003:55)
"Some scholars, notably Paul
Bahn, have suggested that horses were at least managed an perhaps domesticated
20,000 years ago by Ice Age hunter-gatherers who created the cave paintings,
ornaments, and mobile art of the Upper Paleolithic (see chapter 3). This idea
has been widely popularized by Jean Auel in her best-selling fiction books
beginning with Clan of the Cave Bear.
Stocky, thick-legged, large-headed
horses living throughout Europe during the Pleistocene Ice Ages were depicted
magnificently in cave paintings and sculpted bone objects by Upper Palaeolithic
artists, particularly in southwest France and northern Spain. Some of these
depictions seem to show rope halters around horse heads (see chapter 3, figure
1). This interpretation is convincing at first. However, the shaggy winter coat
of the modern Przewalski horse often sports a line of tufted hair running down
the cheek and around the nose in exactly the positions marked by the
"halter" lines in Paleolithic art. The "winter coat"
interpretation of these lines is simpler and more likely than an interpretation
based on bridling.
Some Upper Paleolithic horse teeth
exhibit odd wear that Bahn has suggested resembles the wear caused by
crib-biting, a vice associated with stalled or penned horses. However, similar
wear has been found on the teeth of Early Pleistocene equid fossils from
America, animals that could not possibly have been domesticated because they
predate the evolution of both modern humans and horses (see chapter 3). There
has never been a controlled study that reliably identifies the diagnostic
traits of cribbing wear on equid teeth so that it can be positively
distinguished from natural wear or incidental damage to the incisors. The
crib-biting suggestion remains untested and inherently unlikely. It would
require not only domestication but long-term stalling of horses by Paleolithic
hunters.
On the whole there is little
archaeological evidence even for herd management and no convincing support for
domestication associated with the Ice Age horses of the European Upper
Paleolithic." (Anthony 2003:69)
Wood chewing, or
crib-biting, is behavior in which the horse gnaws on wood rails or boards as if
they were food. This behavior eventually gives a distinctive wear pattern on
the horse's teeth that a good veterinarian can identify in making his
diagnosis. Wear patterns resembling this have been found on some teeth on
Paleolithic (Ice Age) horse skeletons which has led some investigators to rash
statements that this is proof of horse domestication that early. In other words,
Cro-Magnon supposedly had built corrals and confined their domesticated horses
there, where they performed crib biting. I think that nothing could be further
from the truth.
Horses, both wild and domesticated, will chew wood on occasions. Where I
live in the American West, if a horse corral contains a cottonwood tree it is
almost invariable dead, the horses having girdled it by chewing the bark off.
Inner bark is a nutritious food that they purposely seek out, especially
when grazing conditions are poor. If drought has prevented normal grass growth
for grazing, or if deep snow has covered the grass, horses will naturally turn
to chewing the bark on trees. Indeed, ethnographic reports of Plains Indian tribes
tell us that they sometimes kept their favorite horse tethered by their tipi in
winter encampments which were usually in a heavily wooded area to provide some
protection from cold winds. The owners of these horsed would gather branches of
surrounding cottonwood trees to feed these horses which readily chewed off the
bark and ate small twigs and branches. This bark was supposedly nutritious enough that the horses reportedly could put on
weight on such a diet, even during harsh winter conditions. With reasonable explanations for the marks on the carvings and paintings that might resemble harnessing, and with a reasonable explanation for wood chewing by horses, I believe that the preponderance of evidence is against the proposed domestication of horses in the paleolithic period. Additionally, I can think of no way that evidence of crib-biting could be deduced from the paintings or carvings of the Paleolithic period. Therefore, with this analysis, I think that we can make an informed judgement on the question of domestication and, to me, all the evidence argues against it.
REFERENCES:
Anthony, David W.,
2003 Bridling Horse
Power, chapter 4, p. 58-82, in Horses
Through Time, edited by Sandra L. Olsen, Roberts Rinehart Publishers,
Boulder, for the Carnegie Museum of Natural History.
Olsen, Sandra L.,
2003 Horse Hunters
of the Ice Age, chapter 3, p. 35-56, in Horses
Through Time, edited by Sandra L. Olsen, Roberts Rinehart Publishers,
Boulder, for the Carnegie Museum of Natural History.
Labels:
cave painting,
Chauvet,
domestication,
Horse,
paleolithic art,
Paul Bahn,
rock art
Saturday, October 10, 2015
POSSIBLE OLDEST PETROGLYPH IN SOUTH AMERICA DISCOVERED:
An online article by Charles Q. Choi, a contributor to
LiveScience, explains the discovery of what might be the oldest petroglyph in
South America, in a cave named Lapa do Santo in central-eastern Brazil.
The region is home to Luzia, the oldest human skeleton found
to date in South America. Discovered at Lapa Vermelha, Brazil, in 1975, by
archaeologist Annette Laming-Emperaire, the skeleton has been dated to ca.
11,500 BP. Luzia's remains were not articulated.
Her skull was separate from the rest of the skeleton and was buried under forty
feet of mineral deposits and debris, but was in surprisingly good condition.
Although flint tools were found nearby, hers were the only human remains found.
In 2013 new dating of the bones provided an age of 10,300 ± BP (11,243 - 11,070
BP). (Wikipedia)
Human remains of that age in the same region presents the
possibility that the petroglyph could conceivably also be that old.
"Lapa do
Santo is one of the largest rock shelters excavated yet in the region, a
limestone cave covering an area of about 14,000 square feet (1,300 square
meters). Here, researchers have found buried human remains, tools made of stone
and bone, ash from hearths, and leftovers from meals of fruit and small game.
In 2009, a team headed by Walter Alves Neves digging about 13 feet (4 meters) below the surface,
the scientists found a rock carving or petroglyph of a man packed into the side
of the cave. 'The figure, which appears to be squatting with his arms
outstretched, is about 12 inches (30 centimeters) tall from head to feet and
about 8 inches (20 centimeters) wide'. The engraving is also
depicted with a relatively large oversized phallus about 2 inches (5 cm) long,
or about as long as the man's left arm. 'We named the figure 'the little horny
man,' Neves said." (Choi
2015)
" 'The figure is probably linked to some kind of fertility ritual,' Neves told LiveScience. 'There is another site in the same region where you find paintings with men with oversized phalluses and also pregnant women, and even a parturition (childbirth) scene.' Carbon dating and other tests of the sediment covering the petroglyph suggest the engraving dates between 9,000 and 12,000 years old. This makes it the oldest reliably dated instance of such rock art found yet in the Americas." (Choi 2015)
"When this carving is compared with other examples of early rock art found in South America, it would seem that abstract forms of thinking may have been very diverse back then, which suggests that humans settled the New World relatively early, giving their art time to diversify. For instance, at one site in Argentina named Coeval de lass Manos, paintings of hands predominate, while at another site there, Cueva Epullan Grande, engravings have geometric motifs. ' It shows that about 11,000 years ago, there was already a very diverse manifestation of rock art in South America, so probably man arrived in the Americas much earlier than normally is accepted,' Neves said." (Choi 2015)
And the old "Clovis first" dictum continues to
crumble.
NOTE: The scientists detailed their findings February 22,
2015, in the online journal PloSONE.
REFERENCES:
Choi, Charles Q.,
2015 Little Horny
Man: Rock Carving of Giant Phallus Discovered, http://www.livescience.com/, February 22, 2015.
Wikipedia.
Labels:
Lapa do Santo,
petroglyph,
rock art. Brazil,
South America
Saturday, October 3, 2015
A PALEOLITHIC PALIMPSEST:
Gonnersdorf, Germany. From
Bahn and Vertut, 1997.
"A palimpsest is a manuscript page from a scroll or book that has been scraped off and used again. The word "palimpsest" comes through Latin from Greek παλιν + ψαω = (palin "again" + psao "I scrape"), and meant "scraped (clean and used) again." Romans wrote on wax-coated tablets that could be smoothed and reused, and a passing use of the term "palimpsest" by Cicero seems to refer to this practice. - - The term has come to be used in similar context in a variety of disciplines, notably architectural archaeology." (Wikipedia)
In art cases the term palimpsest is usually used to describe a composition with traces of previous work (or pentimenti) showing through. In rock art or cave art it would most often refer to trying to pick a recognizable image out of a mass of marks (scratches or lines). Some early recorders picked out whatever image they could decipher and often only recorded the lines of that image, ignoring all the other markings.
Paul Bahn explained the modern attitude toward such recording in his 1997 book Journey Through The Ice Age:
"Deciphering or copying images on a cave wall is rather like an excavation, except that the 'site' is not destroyed in the process; the pictures are 'artifacts' as well as art and, if superimposed, they even have a stratigraphy. Moreover, instead of selecting and completing animal figures from the mass of marks, like early archaeologists seeking, keeping and publishing only the belles pieces and ignoring the 'waste flakes', the aim for the last thirty years has been to copy everything. This helps to reduce psychological effects akin to identifying shapes in clouds or ink-blots: faced with a mass of digital flutings or engraved lines, the mind tends to find what it wants to find, in accordance with its preconceptions, and often detects figurative images which ae really not there. In addition, one needs to counteract the psychological effect whereby the eye is drawn to the deeper lines (although these may have been of secondary importance) and to lines in concave areas which are generally better preserved than those on convex areas which are more exposed to wear and rubbing.
To eliminate lines we do not understand is an insult to the artist, who did not put them there for nothing; where there are so many lines that it is difficult to 'isolate' anything, however, it is still necessary to 'pull out' any definite figures which exist hidden in the complex mass (this is also far less strain on the eyes), though one should still try to publish the mass, leaving the reader free to make a different choice. In his herculean twenty-five year study of the 1512 slabs from La Marche with their terrible confusion of engraved lines, Leon Pales isolated and published only those figures which his expert knowledge of human and animal anatomy revealed to his eye: but he estimated that only one line in 1000 has been deciphered on these stones. Unfortunately, there are very few scholars with similar skills in deciphering and reproducing Palaeolithic engravings." (Bahn 1997:55)
Horse image from plaque, Gonnersdorf,
Germany. From Bahn and Vertut, 1997.
Germany. From Bahn and Vertut, 1997.
Horse on plaque, Gonnersdorf,
Germany. From Bahn and
Vertut, 1997.
Germany. From Bahn and
Vertut, 1997.
One can search such a mass in the attempt to identify additional images as I have attempted to do. In my short examination of the detailed drawing I located a possible lion head in profile immediately behind the head of the horse. The lines are certainly there, but the question is was that actually intended to be a lion by the original creator, or is it merely a figment of my imagination. How many other figures can you find?
Horse and possible lion. Gonnersdorf,
Germany. From Bahn and Vertut, 1997.
Germany. From Bahn and Vertut, 1997.
REFERENCES:
Bahn, Paul G., and Jean Vertut,
1997 Journey Through the Ice Age, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles.
Wikipedia
Labels:
cave art,
Germany,
Gonnersdorf,
paleolithic art,
palimpsest,
petroglyphs,
rock art
Saturday, September 26, 2015
PENITENTE ROCK ART:
Abiquiu morada, Abiquiu, New
Mexico. Photograph Peter Faris,
September 2011.
This posting is a review of an
article from Archaeology magazine,
May/June 2015 issue, volume 68, number3, pages 42-47, by Dean Blaine, entitled
Mysteries of the Brotherhood. The article discusses a Penitente site at Pilar,
New Mexico, being studied by archaeologist Severin Fowles. I have added some other material and some photographs were taken by myself.
May-June 2015.Crosses
atop orbs.
Archaeology, illustration #2, p. 45.
Archaeology, illustration #2, p. 45.
The penitentes, los
Hermanos de la Fraternidad Piadosa de Nuestro Padre Jesus Nazareno, were a
religious support group for many small and isolated Catholic communities in
northern New Mexico and southern Colorado. The Spanish conquerors of the
southwest had strictly enforced Catholicism in their territories. Whether
descendants of Spanish settlers, creolos, or genizaros (Native Americans and their descendants who had adopted the Spanish way of life, customs, and beliefs), the inhabitants knew
that for important life occasions a religious rite was required. Baptism,
marriage, confession, last rites, and many other events were accompanied by
important religious ceremony that required a priest. The problem always was a
definite shortage of priests which, at times, only amounted to a handful for
the whole of the American southwest. People in many small communities did not
have access to a real priest much of the time, hence the Penitentes, a
home-grown religious support group to fill the need.
Crosses with Native American petroglyph.
Mesa Prieta, New Mexico. Photograph
Peter Faris, September 2011.
"Few groups are
as ripe for misunderstanding as the Penitente Brotherhood, a lay association of
Roman Catholic men long active in remote northern New Mexico and southern
Colorado. Historians and journalists have wondered about their origins for 200
years. Known formally as los Hermanos de la Fraternidad Piadosa de Nuestro
Padre Jesus Nazareno, the Penitentes materialized in the early nineteenth
century as un unofficial surrogate of the Catholic Church, dedicated to the
spiritual needs of far-flung communities with little or no access to
clergy." (Blaine 2015:44)
"It's just simply
not the case that all Catholics out here are colonizers who came in and kicked
around native folks," Fowles says. Many Spaniards married Genizaros,
Native American captives who were raised and worked in Spanish society. In
fact, by the early nineteenth century, historians estimate that as many as a
third of New Mexicans could be classified as Genizaros, people who were at once
devoutly Christian but also had inherited knowledge of Native American
practices. It's likely that some of the Penitentes were either of mixed
heritage or were Genizaros themselves. "A lot of Catholics out here came
from native traditions and were trying to figure out how to work within this
very complicated ethnic landscape." (Blaine 2015:46)
A community that was served by a penitente group possessed
their morada, the meeting house that stored their possessions and served as a
chapel for many of their rites ceremonies. The morada almost always was
accompanied by a calvario, the spiritual recreation of the hill of Calvary. The
illustration shows the upper morada at Abiquiu, New Mexico, and the three
crosses are the calvario representing the site of the crucifixion.
Penitente cross with Native American
snake petroglyph. Archaeology,
illustration #1, p. 46.
As the penitentes were almost ubiquitous in northern New
Mexico and southern Colorado, it is assumed that much of the religious themed
rock art found in this region was of their making. Blaine shows examples from
around the morada at Pilar, New Mexico, both of panels of Christian themes
(crosses) and panels of mixed themes (crosses with Native American rock art). Fowles believes that the mixing of Christian and native rock
art on many rock surfaces indicates that the Penitentes were consciously
drawing on the spiritual traditions of all of the people who lived in that
place. It is notable that the earlier native images were not defaced, they were
added to. (Blaine 2015:46)
Cross above with Native American
snake petroglyph. Mesa Prieta,
New Mexico. Photograph Peter
Faris, September 2011.
"If the
Penitentes were incorporating Native American traditions, Fowles says, this
helps to explain how Lenten rituals such as the Procession of Blood
materialized on the northern New Mexican landscape. It's quite possible that
Penitente brothers at Pilar were engaged in an effort to reconcile traditional
Native American religious conventions with the teaching of Roman Catholic
dogma." (Blaine 2015:46-7)
Much Anglo coverage of Penitente rituals and practices has
exaggerated what they saw as sensational aspects such as processions where men
walked along whipping themselves bloody in the back with a yucca leaf whip. Anglo
reports of this always emphasize how bloody the men's backs were. What they did
not tell you is that one of the traditional roles in a Penitente chapter was reportedly that of the cutter, the man who was very experienced in making small incisions
in the upper back of the men in the procession with a very sharp obsidian flake
to provide controlled bleeding with virtually no pain at all.
Indeed, I have personally found the story of the Penitente brotherhoods
to be one of inspiring faith and community responsibility. They were, and are,
a living tradition that provides comfort and support among the inhabitants of
the region. I have had the privilege of knowing a couple of participants in
this, and have almost envied them their faith and sense of civic
responsibility. Far from the bloody freak show that they have been painted as
in the past, they were the best of their communities and the region was, and
is, better off for them.
See how far we can get by beginning with curiosity about
rock art!
REFERENCE:
Blaine, Dean
2015 Mysteries of
the Brotherhood, Archaeology,
May/June 2015, Vol. 68, No. 3, p. 42-7.
Labels:
Colorado,
Mesa Prieta,
morada,
New Mexico,
Penitente,
petroglyph,
rock art
Saturday, September 19, 2015
HUMAN AND DINOSAUR COEXISTENCE:
Supposed Cambodian stegosaur
carving, artalien.net
Episode ten of season four on Ancient Aliens, on H2 channel, was named Aliens and Dinosaurs. This program proved the coexistence of
humans and dinosaurs by various lines of evidence. One was the stone carving at
Angkor that seems to portray a stegosaur. One was a dinosaur track site in
Texas that includes what they identified as a human footprint along with the
petrified dinosaur imprints. And finally, they dragged out the Ica Stones as
proof.
First - the Cambodian temple stegosaur is a decorative
carving of an animal in a rondelle on a temple at Angkor
"Young earth creationists Don Patton, Carl Baugh, and some
of their associates and followers have argued that a stone carving on the wall
of the Ta Prohm temple in Cambodia was based on a live Stegosaurus dinosaur
seen by the artist. There are problems with this interpretation, even aside
from extensive evidence that humans did not appear on earth until at least 60
million years after non-avian dinosaurs* went extinct. First, the image in
question differs in several significant ways from actual stegosaurs. Second,
the main evidence for the Stegosaurus interpretation consists of a row of lobes
along the back of the carving animal. Although superficially resembling the
bony back plates of stegosaurs, there are a number of alternate explanations,
including the possibility that they merely represent background vegetation or
decorative flourishes, similar to many others on and around other carvings on
the temple. The lobes may also represent exaggerated dorsal spines of a
chameleon or other lizard. When all features and factors are considered, the
carving is at least as compatible with a rhinoceros or chameleon as a
stegosaur. Moreover, even if it represents a stegosaur, the carving could have
been based on fossil remains rather than the artist seeing a live stegosaur." (Kuban 2014)
"Ta Prohm is the modern name for a temple at Angkor,
Cambodia. It was built in the late 1100's and early 1400's as a Buddhist
monastery. Originally called Rajavihara, it was among many other Buddhist and
Hindu temples produced by the Khmer civilization from the eighth through the
fourteenth century A.D. The temple was commissioned by self-proclaimed
"god-king" Jayavarman VII, one of the most renowned monarchs and
builders of the empire. Statues depicting him in Buddha-like poses are found
throughout the region. Ta Prohm was built in honor of his mother and dedicated
in 1186. The temple's stele records that it was home to more than 12,500
people, including 18 high priests and 615 dancers, with 80,000 thousands more
people in surrounding villages providing various services and supplies. Some
question whether these figures may involve some exaggeration, but clearly the
temple was an active and impressive complex." (Kuban 204)
The protagonists of the young
earth Creation theory argue that most of the carvings in these panels are
detailed enough to allow the viewer to identify exactly which animal is being
portrayed, and yes, many of them are that exact. But many others are not.
Indeed, it is the details that are argued on both sides because that is what
there is to analyze. What we see in the rondelle is an apparently four-legged
animal, with fairly thick legs, relatively large horns on top of the head, a
pointed tail, and a high-curved-back above which are a row of decorative petals
to fill the background of the rondelle. There are no spikes on the tail -
stegosaurus had large spikes on his tail. Stegosaurus did not have horns on his
head, and his head was relatively much smaller than in the carving. As to the
identification of the plates across his back upon which the whole
identification rests, many of the other decorative rondelles there (and dozens
can be found online) fill the background space with a range of petals as if the
creature is in front of a flower. I do not believe that these are meant to be
connected with the animal at all.
If we have to take seriously the
Creationist's arguments about anatomical correctness, then I need to hear them
give a logical explanation for the creature portrayed in the second rondelle
down from the so-called stegosaur. It portrays an ugly little naked humanoid
with a tail and legs like a goat. If the
one carving proves that humans and dinosaurs co-existed on 12th century Cambodia,
then this other carving seemingly proves that the ancient Greek god Pan was
there with both the humans and dinosaurs too. And do the Creationists really
want to get into explaining the pros and cons of that?
Second - As to the dinosaur track site in Texas including a
human footprint, that was bogus. It was easy to see that what they were
identifying as a human footprint was just a portion of a larger dinosaur track,
apparently a three-toed therapod track. I will refer you to Glenn Kuban's excellent
online analysis debunking this one (see reference listing below).
And third - the Ica stones. One of the so-called experts
that they had testifying to the importance of the Ica stones was so ignorant
that he kept calling them Inca stones. On April 25, 2915 I posted a column
titled DINOSAURS IN ROCK ART - PERU'S ICA STONES, in which I expressed my
reasoning why I believe them to be modern forgeries instead of ancient
artifacts. However, I should add that if they are not forgeries - if they
actually prove that humans and dinosaurs coexisted, the fact that they are
modern not ancient supposedly proves that humans and dinosaurs are still
coexisting somewhere, but that gets us way too far into cryptozoology, and is
not my field.
All in all, episode ten of season four of Ancient Aliens was
laughable, but unfortunately some people actually seem to believe this stuff.
Maybe we need the aliens after all, there still isn't enough intelligent life
on this planet.
Kuban, Glenn
2014 Man Tracks? A
Topical Summary of the Paluxy "Man Track" Controversy, http://paleo.cc/paluxy/mantrack.htm
2014 Stegosaur
Carving on a Cambodian Temple?, http://paleo.cc/paluxy/stegosaur-claim.htm
Dinosaurs in Ancient Cambodian Temple, http://www.bible.ca/tracks/tracks-cambodia.htm
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)