Engraving of a brush hut.
Marcos Garcia-Diez, and
Manuel Vaquero, 2015,
PLOS One.
There have been many attempts to define shapes and symbols
found in paleolithic paintings or engravings on the walls of caves in Europe as
habitation sites or structures. For the most part those have not been generally
accepted by scholars.
Now we have the recent announcement and presentation of the
discovery of "an engraved schist
slab recently found in the Molí del Salt site (North-eastern Iberia) and dated
at the end of the Upper Paleolithic, ca. 13,800 years ago. This slab displays
seven semicircular motifs that may be interpreted as the representation of
dome-shaped huts. The analysis of individual motifs and the composition, as
well as the ethnographic and archeological contextualization, suggests that this
engraving is a naturalistic depiction of a hunter-gatherer campsite. Campsites
can be considered the first human landscape, the first area of land whose
visible features were entirely constructed by humans. Given the social meaning
of campsites in hunter-gatherer life-styles, this engraving may be considered
one of the first representations of the domestic and social space of a human
group." (Garcia-Diez and Vaquero 2015)
Drawing of the schist slab with
engravings. Marcos Garcia-Diez,
and Manuel Vaquero, 2015, PLOS One.
"The
iconography of Paleolithic art is largely made up of figurative depictions of
animals and, less commonly, human figures. There is also a wide repertoire of
non-figurative signs. It is generally assumed that this imagery shows the
importance of the animal world in the economic, social, and ideological systems
of prehistoric hunter-gatherers. Moreover, these animal figures exhibit the
capacity to represent reality in a naturalistic style. The signs are commonly
interpreted as symbolic representations with a heavy ideological burden.
However, other interpretations offer a vision of Paleolithic art as social
images linked to the realm of the everyday world, challenging its association
with a socially restricted religious sphere." (Garcia-Diez
and Vaquero 2015)
I suspect that these
interpretations of non-figurative, "abstract" images probably teach
us more about the scholar making the interpretation then they do about
Paleolithic art. "It
seems that Paleolithic humans were less interested in representing features of
the landscape. In particular, natural landscape features would be rarely
represented and uncertain, let alone those forming part of the human landscape
(huts and campsites). The few representations interpreted as huts are formally
undefined and open to alternative interpretations." (Garcia-Diez and Vaquero 2015)
The schist slab with locations of the
engravings circled. Marcos Garcia-Diez,
and Manuel Vaquero, 2015, PLOS One.
The schist slab from the Molí del Salt bears seven domed or
rounded, flat-bottomed shapes engraved into the surface that truly look like
the portrayal of a village of huts made by a group of hunter-gatherers.
"There are seven graphic units in the upper surface,
while only a small set of lines are recognized in the lower one. The graphic
units correspond to seven semicircular motifs whose interior was filled by
straight parallel lines. The geometric structures are constructed from two
different contour lines–one straight and one curved–that define the convex
character. The straight line defines the lower part of the motif, so all
structures have the same disposition. The interconnection between the two
structural lines is blurred, as neither contour line touches or exceeds the
other (normally, the bottom line exceeds the ends of the curved line). The
number of internal lines varies between 7 and 11, mostly covering the entire
interior space. The internal lines, in general, do not reach the contour lines,
and they show a horizontal (two cases) or oblique (five cases, three of which
show a marked tendency to vertical) disposition. The size of the graphic units
varies between 43 and 20 mm in width and between 22 and 14 mm in height. If we
consider only the semicircular shape, without considering the appendices of the
lower contour line, the dimensions range between 30 and 18 mm in width and 22
and 14 mm in height." (Garcia-Diez
and Vaquero 2015)
"We hypothesize that the seven semicircular motifs in
the MS engraving represent dwellings or huts. In addition, the close formal,
metric, and technical linkages among these motifs, as well as their
distribution in the graphic field, indicate their compositional association and
their execution in a short time. To support the interpretation of the MS
engraving as a campsite, we will focus on three aspects for which we have
ethnographic information: the outline of the huts, their proportions, and the
number of huts in a campsite. The use of ethnographic information in
archeological interpretation has been common since the 1970s. This is based on
the assumption that there are some analogies between present and past societies
that produce similar archeological outcomes. Hunter-gatherer architecture is
strongly conditioned by one of the characteristics associated to most
hunter-gatherer societies: residential mobility. According to this assumption,
mobile hunter-gatherers will show common traits in their architectural
patterns, regardless their historical contexts." (Garcia-Diez and Vaquero 2015)
Added to this
argument is the undeniable fact that the natural materials used for
construction of such huts really only go together effectively in a limited number
of ways, and the modern (and presumably paleolithic) brain is inherently in
favor of efficiency and effectiveness in
preparing such structures. These huts should be expected to resemble the brush huts
found in hunter-gatherer societies found in other times and places, and so they
do.
REFERENCE:
Garcia-Diez, Marcos and Manuel Vaquero,
2015 Looking at the
Camp: Paleolithic Depiction of a Hunter-Gatherer Campsite, PLOS One, Published
Dec. 2, 2015, DOI: 10.1371/Journal pone.0143002.
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