Saturday, February 22, 2025

ARCHAEOMAGNETIC DATING OF OLD PICTOGRAPHS:

For forty years I have maintained that it should be possible to date certain old pictographs painted with ochres by archaeomagnetic dating techniques.  A 2004 study by Avto Goguitchaichvili and his team used archaeomagnetic dating on ochre paint used to create precolumbian murals in Mexico. The magnetic measurements of the pigments show that at least four murals retain a remanent magnetization carried by a mixture of magnetite and minor hematite grains.” (Goguitchaichvili et al. 2004) Given that they have proved the feasibility of the process on murals, it stands to reason that it would work on paint deposits on cave walls and other pictographic imagery.

Murals from Templo de Venus, Cacaxtla culture, Mexico. Image from Pinterest.

In traditional archaeomagnetic dating clay samples from a feature that has been exposed to high heat, like a fireplace or a adobe brick from a structure that burned down are tested for magnetic orientation. This is then used to calculate the time period that the earth’s magnetic north pole was in the position indicated. “A number of samples are removed from the feature by encasement in non-magnetic plaster within non-magnetic moulds. These samples are marked for true north at the time of collection. The samples are sent to an Archaeomagnetic Laboratory for processing. Each of the samples is measured in a spinner magnetometer to determine the thermal remnant magnetism of each sample. The results are statistically processed and an eigenvector is generated that shows the three-dimensional magnetic declination that will yield a location for the North Pole at the time of the last thermal event of the feature. Data from this feature is compared to the regional secular variation curve in order to determine the best-fit date range for the feature's last firing event.” (Wikipedia)

Murals at Templo Rojo, Templo Mayor of Tenochtitlan, Mexico. Photograph by Marcela Perez Z., El Giroscopo Viajero.

Now a team of scholars in Mesoamerica have tested the red paint in four Precolombian murals to see if they can be dated archaeomagnetically. The team of scholars involved in the study, aware that archaeomagnetic dates for Mesoamerican sites are relatively few, wanted to study the possibility of retrieving dates on paintings from Precolumbian sites. “For this study, we chose four mural paintings from Central Mexico: Templo de Venus (Cacaxtla culture), Templo Rojo (Templo Mayor of Tenochtitlan), Chapulines and Estrellas (both belonging to the Cholula complex). These sites correspond to the Classic and early post-Classic period in Mesoamerican chronology (approx. 200 to 1200 A.D.).” (Goguitchaichvili et al. 2004)

Heavy red paint, La Pasiega Cave, Spain. Internet image, public domain.

The results of these tests were very promising, having positive results in all samples. “In summary, 28 samples belonging to four Mesoamerican mural paintings were investigated and the direction of their remnant magnetization was successfully determined. A mixture of magnetite and hematite is responsible for the magnetization, Studied Mesoamerican mural paintings retain the direction of the magnetic field at the time they were painted and are therefore an invaluable source of information concerning secular variation. The archeomagnetic study of pre-Columbian mural paintings opens new alternatives for improving the Mesoamerican absolute chronology.” (Goguitchaichvili et al. 2004) If this is the case in the tested murals, surely it will also apply to many other records painted with ochre paint, such as pictographs and cave painting.

Lascaux Cave, France. Internet image, public domain.

The team of researchers also triple-checked their results to confirm them. “When researchers compared the magnetic directions of the murals to directions measured in volcanic rocks dated to the same periods and to other archaeomagnetic studies of similarly aged lime-plasters, they found rough agreement. And based on that agreement, they conjecture that the mean direction from three of the murals corresponds to the interval between A.D. 1000 and 1200.” (Pratt 2004)

 

Red dots in Pech Merle Cave, France. Internet image, public domain.

In the situation I am proposing the layer of ocher paint will have to be thick enough on the painted surface (cliff, cave wall) to remove a sample. This might be the result of uneven application of paint, or applying paint to a rough stone surface where high and low points on the stone would create a paint layer of varying thickness. While it was still liquid after application the earth’s magnetic field would influence the magnetite and hematite constituents of the paint to orient to the magnetic North Pole as it was then located, and when the paint dried that orientation would be locked in place. This procedure would add a new tool to our collection of dating methods for ancient paintings in addition to radiocarbon dating of charcoal based black pigments. Now some graduate student can take this and run with it - it always feels really good to be vindicated.

NOTE 1: Some images in this posting were retrieved from the internet with a search for public domain photographs. If any of these images are not intended to be public domain, I apologize, and will happily provide the picture credits if the owner will contact me with them. For further information on these reports you should read the original reports at the sites listed below.

NOTE 2: For technical details see the paper (Goguitchaichvili et al. 2004) in References below.


REFERENCES:

A. Goguitchaichvili, A. M. Soler, E. Zanella, G. Chiari, R. Lanza, J. Urrutia-Fucugauchi, and T. Gonzalez, 2004, Pre-Columbian mural paintings from Mesoamerica as geomagnetic field recorders, Geophysical Research Letters, 22 June 2004, Vol. 31, No. 12. DOI:10:1029/2004GL020065. Accessed online 3 February 2-25.

Pratt, Sara, 2004, Geoarchaeology - Magnetic Murals, Geotimes Magazine online, September 2004, http://www.geotimes.org/sept04/NN_magneticmurals.html. Accessed online 12 January 2025.

Wikipedia, Archaeomagnetic dating,https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Archaeomagnetic_dating. Accessed online 20 November 2024.

 

Saturday, February 15, 2025

SHAMANISM AND ROCK ART - REVISITED:

Dancing Shaman. Image created with DALL-E.

I am taking the opportunity to revisit the subject of ‘shamanism’ in rock art because it seems that more and more references to shamanism can be found in books and articles about rock art. I feel I need to state here (again) that I am not denying that there is shamanistic rock art. I am stating that there are a myriad of potential meanings for a rock art image and reasons for its production, some of it shamanic, some not.

I once had an opportunity to attend a lecture by the great Joseph Campbell, author of so many books on mythology and belief systems. Campbell believed that similarities in myths were of much greater significance than differences, so he had no trouble equating myths from different sides of the globe. At this lecture he explained the significance of the dying man/wounded bison panel from the chimney at Lascaux in terms of  Australian Aboriginal belief. To my way of thinking this goes way too far afield. These cultures were separated by tens of thousands of years and thousands of miles, with no possibility of reciprocal influencing.

Dying hunter scene from Lascaux Cave, France. Internet image, public domain.

My example from the Campbell lecture is indicative of a problem that I see cropping up all too frequently in rock art studies. The shamanic or neuropsychological model for explaining rock art has become such a fad explanation that it is hard to find people giving credence to any other possibilities. As far as trancing and/or entoptics influencing rock art I really do not need a trance hallucination or entoptic vision to inspire the images I make. Once the pigments or hammerstones are picked up in front of a rock face there are only so many things I can do with them. Trying to reproduce an image from life or create a geometric shape needs no artificial stimuli. There are only so many geometric shapes available, and a reproduction of a living being is inspired by the being itself. To invariably attribute these to anything else is nonsense.

An understandable, but biased interpretation of rock art is found in the tendency of the viewer to attempt to define what they are viewing on the basis of what has been successfully applied to interpretations in the past. An example of this is seen in the case of David Lewis-Williams whose early work with interpreting South African rock art in light of San bushman shamanism so impressed the rest of the rock art community. Since that early success Lewis-Williams seems unable to consider any other possible interpretation no matter what the conditions or location the rock art is found in, or what age it is from. An early success of intellectual application that was thought to approach the genius level seems to have led him to the status of a one-trick pony.

The White Shaman, White Shaman Cave, Val Verde County, Texas. Photograph by Peter Faris.

I suggest that Lewis-Williams made the mistake of taking the wrong message away from his earlier work. Instead of learning the lesson that he had succeeded by a rigorous application of reasoning based upon knowledge of ethnographic material for the San people of Africa, he seems to have come away with the message that “shamanism” was the correct answer so it would always be the correct answer. In other words he seems to have subsequently used his mental abilities, knowledge, and reason, to fit other rock art into his shamanic framework instead of using those same gifts and abilities to find a unique answer that would fit the unique conditions of the rock art he was appraising.

Paul Bahn (1997) pointed out that “Throughout the book by Clottes and Lewis-Williams (see references below), possibilities are presented as ‘evidence’, then used as building blocks for speculation that magically acquires the status of ‘fact’ (Bahn). This is a crucial problem for, in the words of Carl Sagan, if we become ‘self-indulgent and uncritical, when we confuse hopes and facts, we slide into pseudoscience and superstition’ (Sagan 1997: 27). As Hamayon (1997:65-66, my translation) puts it, the book’s ‘approach is devoid of any critical thought: conjectures on one page become, as if by magic, assertions on the next . . . I have rarely seen such reductionism, I have rarely seen such simple-minded determinism.” (Bahn 2010:118-119) This is a phenomenon I see all too often in rock art writings. A concept that is introduced as a possibility on one page will be used as a fact a page or two later to support another surmise.

We would do well to remember that the limited remains of the physical cultures studied by archaeologists represent a very small proportion of those cultures. They had a whole world of beliefs, mythology, rituals, and physical knowledge that is not necessarily represented by those physical remains. Rock art represents that world of beliefs, mythology, rituals, etc. aspect of the whole world that these people lived in, and we have no physical artifacts from that world for most of the cultures that we are studying.

"The Sorcerer," Henri Breuil, Cave of the Trois-Freres, Ariege, France. Internet image, public domain.

In 2011 I wrote “In his 2002 book The Mind in the Cave: Consciousness and the Origins of Art, David Lewis-Williams revisited the shamanism argument for the dying man panel. Lewis-Williams originally swept the rock art community with his early analysis of much of South African rock art in light of San (bushman) religious practices that he defined as Shamanism. He eventually served as director of the Rock Art Research Institute at the University of the Witwatersrand from which he retired in 2000. He has since published many important books and reached a position of respect world-wide. He has a great ability to organize and analyze data and search for clues and patterns. As might be expected, considering his focus and early success on the interpretation of South African rock art in light of shamanic influences, he tends to find shamanism behind pretty much anything he looks at. At this point I must confess that I believe that the use of shamanism as an explanation of rock art is hugely overdone. I have gotten to the point where I think of shamanism as the “S”-word. It has reached the position where anyone who cannot come up with a better explanation for rock art just calls it shamanic. A few decades ago pretty much all rock art of animals was dismissed as “hunting magic” and much of the early respect afforded Lewis-Williams came from the fact that he very convincingly gave us an alternative to that overused term. We need to be very careful that we now do not just automatically substitute the “S- word” for “hunting magic” and continue to make the same mistake.” (Faris 2011)

Self portrait by Samantha (last name unknown), 1998.

”A number of years ago on a field trip an enthusiastic rock art fan explained to me that all human figures in rock art that have their arms stretched out straight represent shaman figures. Upon return from that trip to the museum where I worked as exhibits curator at the time I was confronted by the illustration above. It turned out that the picture had been done by a young girl named Samantha who had run out of space on the page when signing her name. The resulting picture had been posted on a lobby wall by the institution’s education curator. I kept a copy of the picture because at that time its innocent childishness seemed to sum up so perfectly the statement that “all figures in rock art that have their arms outstretched straight represent shaman figures”; why she even spelled shaman almost correctly. At the very least it represents scientific proof as definitive as some of Lewis-Williams’.” (Faris 2011) In this I have not modified my opinion since.

Grant McCall wrote in 2006 that “The “shamanism” or “neuropsychological” model proposed by Lewis-Williams and colleagues has had a powerful impact on rock art research, and has significantly added to our knowledge of past foragers lifeways in southern Africa and elsewhere in the world. However, this model is primarily based on the view of shamanism as a universal and unvarying characteristic of foragers over space and time. This paper raises both theoretical and empirical problems with this view. The paper examines the relationship between the specific social roles and practices of shamanism and the overarching cosmological structures on which they are based in both southern Africa and Northern Eurasia. In both cases, the paper argues that many cosmological beliefs are highly persistent and durable, extending into prehistory, while the specific practices and roles of shamans are variable, changing to meet the immediate and local needs of their communities.” (McCall 2006)

Korean Shaman dancing. Image from Brittanica.

This concept of rock art being the product of shamanism had been pushed by the Abbe Breuil. “By Breuil’s death in 1961, the concept of shamanism aligned an idea of universal early religion with the eminence of the painter, the beauty of the cave art, the violence of the imagined ritual, and the political influence of the charismatic leaders. It explained the painter as a shaman too. Like Picasso, Breuil enjoyed what this meant for himself: the painter saw and moved where others could not, and like the shaman he plumbed the animal depths and made them accessible to everyone. The Renaissance of cave painting in the twentieth century was built on this myth. Contemporary artists, confronted with an unpleasant, disenchanted world in their own time, couldn’t resist.” (Stefanos Geroulanos 2024:302) I, for instance, grew up in the Unitarian church, my wife a Baptist church. If either, or both of us were to paint a picture of a deer on a cliff or cave wall, would it then be shamanic in nature. According to Breuil and Lewis-Williams it would.

Bahn argued basically the same point. “Unfortunately, the claim is often made that ‘shamanism is the religion of all hunting and gathering cultures’, which, as we have seen, is simply not true. For example, there is no shamanism at all in Australia. Trance and ecstasy are not found in many cultures known to have produced prehistoric and historic rock art.” (Bahn 2010)

How can anyone state so positively that they know what was in the mind of people from thousands of years in the past? “There are both theoretical and empirical flaws with the view that shamanism is a universal feature of forager societies, and that forager rock art invariably relates to shamanism. Future rock art research in southern Africa must work to address these flaws in moving beyond past paradigmatic dispositions. This paper has also argued that rock art is (a) class of archaeological remains originating from the process of landscape enculturation. The production of rock art is affected by many short-term and local contingencies, but rock art affects human behavior at scales beyond human lifetimes. The accumulation of rock art on landscapes represents a long-term, inter-generational process. Therefore, this paper has argued that the content of rock art at regional scales is easier to relate to the durable and persistent cosmological structures of forager societies than to the variable, flexible, and transitory social practices of shamanism.” (McCall 2006)

Another point to consider is that among all the rock art images identified as shaman (ie. the Dying Hunter, The Sorcerer, The White Shaman), it is often hard to find common traits. I fear that the S-word has often merely supplanted the term "ceremonial" as an explanation for images that cannot otherwise be identified. 

I feel the need to state here (again) that I am not denying that there is shamanistic rock art. I am stating that there are a myriad of potential meanings for a rock art image and reasons for its production, some of it shamanic, some not. Let us not automatically jump to the use of the “S-word” in all instances. It is just not the only answer.

NOTE 1: In some of the quotations I have included above I have left citations that are not listed in my references below. To find these I recommend that you go to the sources listed.

NOTE 2: Some images in this column were retrieved from the internet with a search for public domain images.


REFERENCES:

Bahn, Paul G., 2010, Prehistoric Rock Art: Problems and Polemics, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Clottes, Jean, and David Lewis-Williams, 1996. The Shamans of Prehistory, Harry N. Abrams, New York.

Faris, Peter K., 2011, The S-Word, Shamanism- or, The Dying Man in Lascaux Revisited, Rock Art Blog, 9 July 2011, https://www.rockartblog.blogspot.com.

Geroulanos, Stefanos, 2024, The Invention of Prehistory, Liveright Publishing Company, a division of Norton and Co., New York.   

McCall, Grant S., 2006, Add Shamas and Stir? A Critical Review of the Shamanism Model of Forager Rock Art Production, 25 September 2006, Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, doi:10.1016/j.jaa.2006.09.001

Williams, David Lewis, 2004, The Mind in the Cave: Consciousness and the origins of Art, 1 April 2004, Thames and Hudson, New York.

 

Saturday, February 8, 2025

ANCIENT VENEZUELAN ROCK ART FROM AN UNKNOWN CULTURE?

Arauák River valley with the Upuigma Tepui at the back,
and the savanna where the boulder is located. All images ©José
Miguel Perez-Gomez unless indicated otherwise. Figure 2, page 132.

A number of new rock art sites have been discovered in southern Venezuela in Canaima National Park. These newly discovered rock art sites in Venezuela can be stated to exist in a truly magnificent landscape.

Main panel showing digitally traced motifs obtained by using Photoshop. Image from Josẻ Miguel Pẻrez-Gỏmez and Roger Swidorowicz, 2023, Figure 7, page 134. Area of red square shown in next image.

“The Guiana Highlands region of southeastern Venezuela is characterized by flat-topped mountains, or tepuis, rising thousands of metres into the clouds while remaining geographically inseparable from the rainforest and savannahs below. The remarkable geographical characteristics of these mountains are likely to have had a significant phenomenological impact on the cultural perception and environmental interpretation of the nearby human groups. Rock art found in these magnificent landscapes can be appreciated on isolated rocks in river valleys as well as on large boulders strewn across the savannas.” (Pẻrez-Gỏmez and Swidorowicz 2023) While the magnificence of the landscape was undoubtedly appreciated by the original inhabitants, I can see no influence of that in the illustrations that I have seen of the rock art they left. This sort of poetic rhapsody really has no place in a paper intended to be scientific.

Main panel detail selected from Fig. 7. Image from Josẻ Miguel Pẻrez-Gỏmez and Roger Swidorowicz, 2023, Figure 8, page 135.

“At around 20 different sites, carved and painted in caves and on boulders archaeologists have discovered glyphs, pictograms, and other symbols left behind thousands of years ago. It’s the first rock art of any kind discovered in southern Venezuela, and while there are similarities to rock art in Brazil, it’s unclear whose hands left behind the mysterious motifs.” (Starr 2024) In other words, not enough archaeology has been done in the region to begin to pin down the local archaic indigenous cultures.

Image from Josẻ Miguel Pẻrez-Gỏmez and Roger Swidorowicz, 2023.

In a very positive development researchers have begun to study the rock art of southern Venezuela. “Josẻ Miguel Pẻrez-Gỏmez, a researcher from Simỏn Bolivar University in Caracas, Venezuela, has documented previously unrecorded rock art with the Indigenous Pemỏn community. This artwork represents a largely undisclosed cultural tradition. Pẻrez-Gỏmez recently presented evidence and findings about these remote sites at a rock art conference in Italy. The conference served as a forum for disseminating information about this significant archaeological discovery to the international scientific community. This research contributes to understanding the region’s Indigenous art and cultural practices, potentially offering new insights into historical and anthropological studies.” (Bartek 2024) As I said above, not enough archaeology has been done in the region to begin to pin down the local indigenous cultures. Apparently the historical and anthropological studies have not yet been done. Without further hard evidence (archeology) the claims for the important influence of this rock art are basically empty.

Surprisingly the local inhabitants claim to have possessed no knowledge about the rock art in their area. Pẻrez-Gỏmez summed up their report with these recommendations. “Subsequent inquiries with people in various local communities confirmed their lack of awareness about these sites. In light of this, we propose introducing these rock art manifestations to the local communities through a community engagement project that includes establishing a local museum. This initiative would not only raise awareness about these significant archaeological sites but also contribute to their protection as valuable heritage sites. Furthermore, it would have the added benefit of stimulating the indigenous local economy.” (Pẻrez-Gỏmez and Swidorowicz 2023) This last bit sounds like archaeological tourism. In many instances such stimulation ends up creating more problems for local societies than it solves. It certainly prompts development which can, in the end, begin to cause environmental impacts such as pollution, paving, and infrastructure, which can destroy the local culture in the end.

Image from Josẻ Miguel Pẻrez-Gỏmez and Roger Swidorowicz, 2023.

 “Although it is not known precisely how old rock art is, similar rock art in Brazil has been dated to about 4,000 years ago, but Perez-Gomez believes the examples in Venezuela may be older. The park might have been the original place where this unknown culture first developed, Perez-Gomez told Live Science, adding that they may have later dispersed to places as far away as the Amazon River, the Guianas, and even southern Colombia, which all feature rock art akin to the newly found sites in Venezuela.” (Archaeology World 2024) What can I say about this quote – so much is so wrong. First, Petez-Gomez says “it is not known precisely how old rock art is”, but he knows his is older than the others. Second, similar rock art is found around the world. These symbols would generally be called ‘abstract style’ and I can point to some in southeastern Colorado like them, but I am pretty sure that the local cultures here were not originally dispersed from Venezuela.

NOTE: Some images in this posting were retrieved from the internet with a search for public domain photographs. If any of these images are not intended to be public domain, I apologize, and will happily provide the picture credits if the owner will contact me with them. For further information on these reports you should read the original reports at the sites listed below.

REFERENCES:

Archaeology World Team, 2024, 4,000-Year-Old Rock Art From a Previously Unknown Ancient Culture Uncovered in Venezuela, 4 July 2024, Archaeology World Online, https://archaeology-world.com. Accessed online 23 November 2024.

Bartek, Jan, 2024, Mysterious Rock Art By Unknown Ancient Culture Found In Venezuela, 5 July 2024, Ancient Pages, https://www.ancientpages.com. Accessed online 7 July 2024.

Josẻ Miguel Pẻrez-Gỏmez and Roger Swidorowicz, 2023, New Rock Art Site Complex in the Arauk River Valley, Southeastern Venezuela, Rock Art Research 2023, Volume 40, No. 2, pp. 131-144. Accessed online 23 November 2024.

Starr, Michelle, 2024, Mysterious Symbols on 4,000-year-old Rock Art Hint at an Unknown Culture, 6 July 2024, https://www.sciencealert.com. Accessed online 23 November 2024.

 

Saturday, February 1, 2025

THE DISAPPEARING OWLS – IBERIAN SLATE PLAQUES ARE NOW WRITING, OR GENEALOGICAL RECORDS:

Map of locations of discovery of plaques on the Iberian Peninsula. Map from urn-cambridge.org.

Owl plaque (from 2023 posting). Illustration from Negro et al., 2022, Fig 1. Slate plaque from Cerro de las Cabezas, Valencina de la Concepción, Sevilla, Spain (Museo Arqueológico de Sevilla, REP25837).

Back in March 2023, I posted a column that identified a number of decorated slate plaques found in Iberia, as toy owls created by children. These owl themed plaques are a subset of a very large number of similar plaques from the Chalcolithic Period (Copper Age, ca. 5200 BP) created in a time frame of 5500 to 4750 BP. It is important that we note that the owl plaques are only a fraction of similar decorated plaques from that period. I found this theory hard to accept based on a level of workmanship that would, in my opinion, have taken longer to acquire than the short period of childhood.

 

From anthropology.net, Illustrations of classic slate plaques housed at Portugal’s Museu Nacional de Arqueologia. 

A new study has now been published that argues that the plaques are an early form of writing and record genealogical records (Lillios et al. 2024).

Katina Lillios and her collaborators state that the owl plaques represent only 4% of the overall number (p. 4). “Typically found as grave goods in tombs in south-western Iberia, the plaques are hand-sized objects (150 mm) most often made from slate. They are primarily found in southern Portugal but also known in south-western Spain.” (Lillios et al. 2024:4) Presently there are 1826 of these engraved plaques recorded according to the team. They argue very convincingly that the owls could not have been toys created by children primarily because they are such a small percentage of the overall number, while children are often the largest demographic group in a society.

 

Illustration from urn-cambridge.org.

“That only a minority of the plaques (4 per cent) have clear biomorphic traits, such as eyes(or oculi) or a nose(or beak), presents a challenge to the notion that all plaques represent a deity, such as a Mother Goddess. These plaques include the Biomorph Simple and Biomorph Whiskered types. The overwhelming majority (70 percent) are of the Classic typethe focus of this article. Classic plaques have a topand a baseseparated by a horizontal line or bands. The bands are filled with hachures or small triangles, or are unfilled. The top can have straps (horizontal or vertical)or other motifs, such as inverted vs, rays, and a collar. In rare cases (n = 10), Classic plaques have eyesor oculi, like the Biomorph plaques. The base is typically decorated with six design

motifs, which can be found on their own or in combination with other motifs, and are most often organized along horizontal registers. These motifs include triangles, checkerboard, vertical bands, chevrons,

zigzags, and herringbone. That these motifs are all textile weaves may suggest that the plaques were inspired by clothing or other woven goods that have not survived, except in rare cases.” (Lilios et al. 2024:5) The plaques that had been identified as owls fall into the categories that the authors here are calling “biomorph simple,” and “biomorph whiskered.” The statement that “these motifs are all textile weaves” is unproven and seems a little reckless.

Illustration from urn-cambridge.org. Note that the plaque in the bottom left (no. h) is the same as my owl plaque illustration above.

In the following paragraph, note that the authors refer to the design elements as “records” as if they somehow contain data – another leap to conclusion.  “A key question the study addresses is whether there is a correlation between the number of records on the plaques and their geographical distribution. If the plaques represent genealogical records, the researchers expected to find plaques with fewer records concentrated in Alentejo (in southern Portugal), regarded as the ‘heart’ of this tradition, while those with more records would be more geographically dispersed. This pattern would be consistent with the expansion of successive generations of a lineage to other areas. The results of the analysis show a significant, though not conclusive, correlation between the number of records and the dispersion of the plaques, which supports the hypothesis that they may represent lineages that expanded over time. Another fundamental aspect explored by the researchers was the possible relationship between the size of the tombs where the plaques were found and the number of bands separating the base from the upper part. Tomb size is an indicator of labor investment and, possibly, the status of the individuals buried within. This study found that plaques found in larger tombs tended to have a greater number of bands, which could suggest a connection between the complexity of the design and the social prestige of the individuals they accompanied.” (Carvajal 2024)

“A final theory exists that states these slates may have been genealogical records, similar to how heraldic emblems denote a person’s ancestry, as did the plaques. For Prof. Lillios, the spark that led to this hypothesis was one particularly unique plaque, ‘if there was any real spark in this research, it was in the study of one particular plaque in the Museu Geologico in Lisbon, in 2003.” (Oster 2024) ) If these plaques are genealogical, perhaps there is a basic design for a clan or family that gets more complicated from generation to generation by adding lines, triangles, or stripes while maintaining the basic design. The term “heraldic” implies this connection to an identifiable group of people, whether it is family or clan.

Illustration from urn-cambridge.org.

“Our work reassesses the genealogical hypothesis for the Classic plaques using a series of statistical analyses to evaluate whether significant patterning exists among their design, their geographic distribution, and the size of the tombs in which they were found. Our study indicates a positive relationship between tomb size and the presence of plaques with high numbers of bands. There is also a relationship between the number of bands, the presence of a collar, and the base design. What the bands and collars specifically denote is, however, unclear. Perhaps bands recorded the number of children, territorial claims, military conquests, or something else considered remarkable enough for Late Neolithic and Copper Age people to record on that plaque (and the person associated with it).” (Lilios et al 20024:13) Marks to record data, this would be the idea behind claims that the slates represent a very early example of a written language, although again, I think that is going a little far.

“Clearly much more work remains to be done on the plaques to elucidate their formal patterning and understand the organization of their production. To conclude, much of the debate around the Iberian plaques, which is centered around whether they were heraldic, or were related to ancestors, or represented deities, obscures more than reveals. Individual plaques clearly had social lives, and as a class of objects, perhaps sacred texts, their use or meaning no doubt changed over time. When they were first created, Classic plaques may have been accorded to individuals whose genealogical history was central to the mythos of a community, but who, over time, became important ancestors, or even deities themselves.” (Lilios et al. 2024:14) This is a possibility that certainly cannot be disproven at this time. They were clearly important, so many of them were created.

Many of the slate plaques have one or twos hole in the  narrower end apparently to hang them up somehow. This implies display and reinforces that they represent something that identifies an individual, family, or group as different from the others. This could seemingly be defined in some ways as heraldic.

REFERENCES:

Carvajal, Guillermo, 2024, The Enigmatic Prehistoric Engraved Slate Plaques of the Iberian Peninsula are Genealogical Recordds and One of the Earliest Forms of Writing in Europe, 1 November 2024, https://www.labrujulaverde.com. Accessed online 15 January 2025.

Lillios, Katina T., Tang Zhuo, and Jay Bowen, 2024, The Engraved Slate Plaques of Late Neolithic and Copper Age Iberia: A Statistical Evaluation of the Genealogical Hypothesis, European Journal of Archaeology 2024. Accessed online 15 January 2025.

Negro, J. J., Blanco, G., Rodriguez-Rodriguez, E., et al., 2022, Owl-like plaques of the Copper Age and the involvement of children, Sci. Rep. 12, 19277, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-022-23530-0. Accessed 2 December 2022.

Oster, Sandee, 2024, Ancient Iberian slate plaques may be genealogical records, 3 December 2024, https://phys.org. Accessed online 15 January 2025.

Sci.News Staff, 2022, Iberian Owl-Shaped Plaques Were Toys Made By Copper Age Children: Study, 5 December 2022, Sci.News online. Accessed online 1 March 2023.