Additionally, they detected a fresh-water plankton (Stephanodiscus hantzschii) found today in lakes in British Columbia in those layers proving that a large quantity of fresh water was injected into the lake water. During those periods water level would have been high and the rocks partly covered, thus the carbonate. They also assumed that the petroglyphs were carved during a period when water was low and people could walk to the site. This is, of course, a very simplified explanation and readers are encouraged to refer to the original paper for the scientific details. The second method of age determination was to 14C date the carbonate layer itself. Fifteen carbonate samples were taken near the petroglyphs and were 14C dated at the University of California-Irvine W.M. Keck Carbon Cycle Accelerator Mass Spectrometry Laboratory.
Saturday, January 25, 2014
PYRAMID LAKE PETROGLYPHS MAY BE OLDEST IN NORTH AMERICA:
Winnemuca Lake petroglyphs. Photograph: Larry Benson.
A recent scientific
investigation of petroglyph boulders on the west side of the Winnemucca Lake
basin in Nevada has yielded hard dates on the age of the petroglyphs.
Paleoclimatologist Larry Benson
(an emeritus scientist with the U.S. Geological
Survey who does research for the University of Colorado and its Museum of
Natural History) had noticed that the
symbols are much whiter than the gray rock they're carved into.
Winnemuca Lake petroglyphs. Photograph: Larry Benson.
Benson needed permission from the Pyramid Lake Paiute
Tribe to sample the rock coating. He did finally get permission to sample the
coating on rocks near the petroglyphs although he has not yet been allowed to
sample any of the ancient rock art. The
whitish coating proved to be Calcium carbonate (CaCO3) and had been deposited
when rising lake water lapped over the lower portions of the petroglyph
boulder.
Winnemuca Lake petroglyphs. Photograph: Larry Benson.
His paper in the Journal
of Archaeological Science, 40 (2013), 4466-76, Dating
North America’s oldest petroglyphs,
Winnemucca Lake Sub-basin, Nevada, by L.V. Benson, E.M. Hattori, J. Southon, and
B. Aleck, outlined the reasoning involved. Benson was aware that Carbonate
crust could not have been deposited in the petroglyphs from the lake water
unless they were actually underwater at some period. This period was determined
using two methods. Laboratory analysis "determined the amount of Calcium carbonate in layers of lake sediment over time. When the amount was close to zero, the lake covered the lower part of the mound below 1206m and the petroglyphs below this level. When the value was relatively large, the lake had fallen below the mound and the petroglyphs and made them accessible for carving." (Benson)
Additionally, they detected a fresh-water plankton (Stephanodiscus hantzschii) found today in lakes in British Columbia in those layers proving that a large quantity of fresh water was injected into the lake water. During those periods water level would have been high and the rocks partly covered, thus the carbonate. They also assumed that the petroglyphs were carved during a period when water was low and people could walk to the site. This is, of course, a very simplified explanation and readers are encouraged to refer to the original paper for the scientific details. The second method of age determination was to 14C date the carbonate layer itself. Fifteen carbonate samples were taken near the petroglyphs and were 14C dated at the University of California-Irvine W.M. Keck Carbon Cycle Accelerator Mass Spectrometry Laboratory.
Additionally, they detected a fresh-water plankton (Stephanodiscus hantzschii) found today in lakes in British Columbia in those layers proving that a large quantity of fresh water was injected into the lake water. During those periods water level would have been high and the rocks partly covered, thus the carbonate. They also assumed that the petroglyphs were carved during a period when water was low and people could walk to the site. This is, of course, a very simplified explanation and readers are encouraged to refer to the original paper for the scientific details. The second method of age determination was to 14C date the carbonate layer itself. Fifteen carbonate samples were taken near the petroglyphs and were 14C dated at the University of California-Irvine W.M. Keck Carbon Cycle Accelerator Mass Spectrometry Laboratory.
Winnemuca Lake petroglyphs. Photograph: Larry Benson.
The results
in Benson’s words were “to provide a minimum age for carving of the low-elevation (1202-1206
m) petroglyphs, we dated the carbonate crust that coats the petroglyphs. The
six carbonate-crust samples from the petroglyph site (WDL12) exhibited an age
range of 10.23-9.77 ka with one outlier at 8.69 ka. As
the sample abrasion process did not always reach the inner (oldest) part of the
carbonate crust, we conclude that initial deposition of the carbonate crust occurred at 10.2 ka and continued
until 9.8 ka, a conjecture consistent with the TIC data discussed in Section 3.5, which indicates that lake level was constrained by overflow at 1207 m until 9.3±0.1
ka. (Benson 2113:4473)
Additionally,
the time frames indicated by the sediment coring supported that by indicating “the TIC records resulting from the two age
models indicate that the base of the petroglyph site was subaerially exposed
between 15.0 and 13.2 ka and was subject to the carving of petroglyphs.
However, the TIC records resulting from the two age models indicate different
times of possible subaerial exposure after 13.2 ka. One age model (Fig. 5A) indicates that the base of site WDL12 was subaerially exposed between
11.3 and 10.5 ka and the other age model (Fig. 5B)
indicates that the base of site WDL12 was subaerially exposed between 11.5 and
11.1 ka.” (Benson 2013:4473) Applying another age
model gave Benson an age range of 11.3 – 10.5 ka. (Benson 2013:4476)
By
combining the date ranges from sediment coring and 14C testing on
the carbonate layer Benson could state “We,
therefore, conclude that the petroglyphs were carved sometime between 14.8 and
10.2 ka.” (Benson 2113:4473)
I
asked Benson some questions based upon my own observations (and lack of
detailed knowledge). First, I could imagine Calcium carbonate molecules
floating around in the lake for hundreds or thousands of years until rising
water brought them to a position to be deposited upon the petroglyph rocks, “wouldn’t that give an excessively ancient
date?” Benson explained that the inrush of fresh water that raised the lake
level to cover the base of the petroglyphs also flushed the bulk of the
preexisting carbonates out of the lake (remember the fresh water plankton
indicating that the brackish water had been greatly diluted and/or displaced.
(personal communication). I also asked about the appearance of sharp edges on
the lines of some of the carvings. “Did
they exhibit any evidence of more recent additions or modifications?” Benson
answered that some of the sharp-edged lines actually showed carbonate
deposition on their surfaces proving that they had not changed since that event
(personal communication). This is seemingly iron-clad, with the results of more
than one type of test providing results that agree like this. Indeed, this is
significant enough that Archaeology
magazine named it one of the Top Ten Discoveries of 2013. (Powell 2014:28)
So, thank you Larry Benson.
Bringing the knowledge of different disciplines to work on rock art questions
can provide surprising benefits. And while I am at it, thank you Archaeology for including a rock art analysis in your Top Ten list for 2013.
NOTE: I am grateful to Larry
Benson for taking the time and effort to correspond with me about this, and for
providing a copy of their paper and photographs for my use, and to illustrate this. If any of the technical details above are incorrect it is entirely due to misunderstanding on my part, not any lack of consideration and generosity on Larry's part.
RERERENCES:
Benson, L. V.
2013 Dating North America’s oldest petroglyphs, Winnemucca Lake, Subbasin,
Nevada, Journal
of Archaeological Science, 40 (2013) 40
(2013) 4466-76.
Powell, Eric A.
2014 North America’s Oldest
Petroglyphs: Winnemucca Lake, Nevada, from Top Ten Discoveries of 2013, Archaeology, January/February 2014, Vol.
67, No. 1, p.28.
Sunday, January 19, 2014
WHERE BARRY FELL – PURGATORY CANYON, COLORADO:
Purgatory Canyon, south of the bear, Bent County,
CO., Photograph: Peter Faris, June 1991.
I had actually thought that I was probably through with Barry Fell but I ran into another couple of examples of Barry Fell’s inaccurate methods. This one can be
found detailed in the interesting 1996 private publication by Phillip M. Leonard and
William R. McGlone titled A Study of
Script-Like Petroglyphs in Southeast Colorado, Mithras Inc., Kamas, Utah.
This 70 page booklet outlined their multi-year studies comparing abstract
figures or symbols found in southeast Colorado with old-world scripts,
especially scripts from the Arabian Peninsula. In this posting I will present
the case of one single row of figures found south of the famous bear panel in
the Purgatory river canyon.
The row of symbols in question is found high above the
present ground level due to erosion of the valley bottom (described below).
This portion of the cliff face is currently unreachable without a ladder or
some other artificial aid. The arrangement of markings on this very interesting
cliff can be likened to the stratification of a traditional archaeological
excavation because the older markings are high up and were later unreachable.
More recent petroglyphs are found lower down on the cliff with some examples of
Plains Biographic Style images down just a few feet above the ground.
Apparently some early devotee of epigraphic interpretation did go to the
trouble to carry a long ladder in because the particular symbols in question
have actually been painted in with aluminum paint to make them legible from the
ground (personal observation).
Detail, dated trident symbol on right.
Leonard and McGlone, Fig. 8-A, p. 14.
One symbol from this line of characters was dated by Ronald
Dorn using cation-ratio dating (this must have been done before the aluminum paint was added but I am not aware of the actual dates of either the testing or the painting). The trident-like character on the right side of
subgroup-A dated to 1,975 years plus or minus 200 years BP (before present).
(Dorn, McGlone, and Leonard 1990:23-36). It should be noted that Dorn subsequently withdrew the results of all of his dating work citing possible contamination of specimens. I maintained to him that this particular date, given the fact of the stratification on this cliff of rock art by age and height, presented additional evidence that this age may well be accurate.
Detail, dated trident symbol on right.
Photograph: Peter Faris, June 1991.
Leonard and McGlone described it as follows:
“In the fall of 1981,
we visited a well-known petroglyph site in southeast Colorado where there were
hundreds of glyphs in an assortment of styles on the base of sandstone cliff
faces 80 feet high. Some of the panels are 20 feet or more above the present
ground level owing to progressive erosion of the valley floor as evidenced by
mineral deposits on the cliff wall. Many of the glyphs are in the Pecked
Abstract Style and are so old and heavily patinated they are difficult to see
clearly even when the light is favorable. Others, in the Plains Biographic
Style, appear to be much more recent, judging from their lack of patination and
weathering.
One set of signs in a
row (Figure 8A) was published as a “What is it?” in the December 1983 issue of
Western Epigraphy with the hope that someone could explain its script-like
appearance. Greg de la Castro of Conifer, Colorado, responded, saying he
thought they were letters of the Sabaean alphabet. When Barry Fell was informed
of this a few months later, he agreed. Although the sequence was short, both
correspondents saw the presence of two different pitch-fork-shaped characters
as pointing toward Sabaean.” (Leonard and McGlone 1996:13-15)
“On a later trip to
the site, we saw that only a portion of the line of characters had been
included in the original transcription. A search for Native American styles
with similar long sequences of signs was unproductive. Study of the complete
set (Figure 8B) and comparison to many alphabets world-wide convinced us that
the glyphs corresponded more closely to North Arabian than South Arabian
(Sabaean) letters - . When we advised Fell of this and sent him a better photograph, he sent
back a translation using the Safaitic (North Arabian) alphabet. The reading was
published in McGlone and Leonard (1986) in order to establish priority of
discovery and to stimulate comment." (McGlone and Leonard 1996:15)
This translation was accepted by McGlone and Leonard and published in 1986. It read: "Stayed here to trade, then departed after negotiating an augmented trade agreement - Fasih" (p.202) With the word "Fasih" supposedly representing the signature of either the trader, or the inscriber of the passage. McGlone and Leonard later returned to the site and the story is picked up again in their book from 1996.
This translation was accepted by McGlone and Leonard and published in 1986. It read: "Stayed here to trade, then departed after negotiating an augmented trade agreement - Fasih" (p.202) With the word "Fasih" supposedly representing the signature of either the trader, or the inscriber of the passage. McGlone and Leonard later returned to the site and the story is picked up again in their book from 1996.
"When we returned to
the site and carefully recorded the full inscription, we found that the
transcription developed by Fell from our photograph omitted two signs,
improperly included some from a line below, employed natural rock inclusions as
letters, and generally mis-applied the Arabic language in the translation. We
asked him not to publish the faulty reading and proceeded to study the regional
script-like signs ourselves. Our approach has been to collect groups of the
signs and send them to knowledgeable specialists for evaluation and comment.” (McGlone
and Leonard 1996:15)
I have previously criticized Barry Fell for his unscientific
method and basing his interpretations on improper evidence and falsified data.
In this instance we have published testimony of his errors by two of his (at
that time) collaborators. This conclusion is backed up by subsequent statements made to me
by Bill McGlone on more than one occasion, that he could no longer abide by
Fell’s work due to such errors (purposeful or otherwise) and that he regretted
his previous association with Fell (private communication). I pointed out above
that this row of symbols has been highlighted with aluminum paint. Bill McGlone
always maintained that he and Phil Leonard had nothing to do with that and I
have no reason to doubt his veracity. I do not know who applied the aluminum
paint to the symbols but it was assuredly done by one of Fell’s collaborators
(nobody else has really been interested in those particular symbols) so we can point
that back at Barry Fell as well.
The main thing here is that many of these characters are indeed like characters in Old World alphabets, I do not deny that. This does not mean, however, that this is anything more than a coincidence. I do not accept it as actual writing in any Old World script. McGlone and Leonard were interested in the apparent correspondence between many symbols in southeast Colorado and characters from Old World scripts, but their methods were scientific, and they seldom made claims that they could not substantiate. Fell on the other hand - - - ?
The main thing here is that many of these characters are indeed like characters in Old World alphabets, I do not deny that. This does not mean, however, that this is anything more than a coincidence. I do not accept it as actual writing in any Old World script. McGlone and Leonard were interested in the apparent correspondence between many symbols in southeast Colorado and characters from Old World scripts, but their methods were scientific, and they seldom made claims that they could not substantiate. Fell on the other hand - - - ?
REFERENCES:
Dorn, Ronald I., William R. McGlone, and Phillip M. Leonard
1990 Age Determination of Petroglyphs in
Southeast Colorado, Southwestern Lore,
56(2), 23-36, Colorado Archaeological Society, Denver.
Leonard, Phillip M., and William R. McGlone
1996 A Study of Script-Like Petroglyphs in
Southeast Colorado, Mithras Inc., Kamas, UT.
McGlone, William R., and Phillip M. Leonard
1986 Ancient Celtic America, Panorama West Books, Fresno, CA.
McGlone, William R., and Phillip M. Leonard
1986 Ancient Celtic America, Panorama West Books, Fresno, CA.
Saturday, January 11, 2014
ROCK ART SYMBOLS FROM HORSE PAINTING:
Of the many symbols found in rock art inscriptions it would indeed
be strange if none of them were found in other contexts of Native American art.
At site 5BN7(Hicklin Springs) in southeastern Colorado’s
Bent County one of the petroglyph panels (Panel# 3.B2) carved in the cliff face
shows a grouping of short curved lines - semicircles (horseshoes) in four vertical columns.
My field sketch of the panel allows us to count 26 of these
symbols on the panel. This is a relatively common symbol in rock art in southeast
Colorado and the west, but this is a particularly good grouping of them.
According to Thomas Mails if this symbol is painted upon a horse it represents
a horseshoe or horse track and symbolizes a horse taken from an enemy in a
horse stealing expedition or a fight. Now my grandfather taught me that when
you hung up an actual horseshoe for good luck you hung it this way, with the
open side up so the good luck would not run out - the way the semicircles are oriented on the rock art panel at Hicklin Springs. Notice that with the Mails and
the Bad Heart Buffalo examples the horseshoe is presented the other way around,
with the opening down.
Noble Books, New York. Pages 220 (left) and 222 (right).
In his book Mystic
Warriors of the Plains (1972), Thomas Mails illustrated a number of such symbols
that he identified as being used in horse painting. “Painted exploit symbols used on horses. a, war party leader. b, enemy
killed in hand combat. c, owner fought from behind breastworks. d, hail. e,
coup marks. f, horse raids or number of horses stolen. g, mourning marks. h,
medicine symbol.” (Mails 1972: 220)
Writing in Ledger Book
Art: A Key to Understanding Northern Plains Biographic Rock Art, James D.
Keyser (1989:92) called Ledger Book Art a “lexicon” for Biographic rock art. In
this he was pointing out that Ledger Book art, and Plains Biographic rock art
as well, are usually records of specific events and that the symbolism used
extends to both media.
Buffalo Grass, Leslie Tillet, 1976.
“Amos Bad Heart Buffalo’s drawing of himself as a cowboy,
done Dec. 3, 1900. The inscription, translated by Helen Blish reads, “Oglalas
from White Clay district herding their cattle.” The sketch at upper left is of
a cattle ranch of that time, and the label above it reads, “Chenney River S.
Dak. Squn Hamper Creek.” (Tillet 1976: XV) Even though he seems to have
reconciled to living the white man’s life, he still has his horse painted with
traditional symbols, a holdover of the traditional attitudes and ways.
Buffalo Grass, Leslie Tillet, 1976.
Also by Amos Bad Heart Buffalo, this panel from a warrior
parade shows a horse painted with symbols denoting successful horse raids.
“Warrior parades – provided the audience with another means of measuring
prestige. Each detail in his drawings gives clues to the particular warrior
society that the Indian belonged to. “(Tillet 1976:32)
Does the difference in orientation between the rock art
panel and the other examples negate any comparison or assumption of similarity?
With a symbol this simple and common my feeling is no, it is recognizable from
any angle and is probably not changed by changes in orientation. Perhaps some
of the other shapes and symbols in rock art had similar meanings to the
artist’s who produced them. Many of Mail’s other symbols are fairly common in
rock art of Colorado and the West. Keep your eyes open, it’s at least worth thinking about.
REFERENCES:
Keyser, James D.
1989 Ledger Book Art: A Key to Understanding
Northern Plains Biographic Rock Art, p. 86-111, Rock Art of the Western Canyons, edited by Jane Day, Paul D.
Friedman, and Marcia J. Tate, Denver Museum of Natural History and Colorado
Archaeological Society, Denver.
Mails, Thomas E.
1972 Mystic Warriors of the Plains, Barnes
and Noble Books, New York.
Tillet, Leslie
1976 Wind
on the Buffalo Grass: The Indians’ Own Account of the Battle at the Little Big
Horn River, & the Death of their life on the Plains, Thomas Y. Crowell
Company, New York.
Saturday, January 4, 2014
CORONATTO – IS THIS AN AUTHENTIC RECORD OF CORONADO?
Possible Coronado inscription. McGlone, Barker,
and Leonard, 1994, p. 74-1.
Possible Coronado inscription. McGlone, Barker,
and Leonard, 1994, p. 74-1.
Close-up of the possible Coronado inscription.
McGlone, Barker, and Leonard, 1994, p. 74-1
“It was early fall,
the time when the maize plants begin turning brown, 1540. Twenty-two summers
had passed since the conqueror Hernán Cortés first stepped ashore
on the mainland of Mexico, to trade he said. Now, eighteen hundred miles
northwest of that dank tropical coast, a small column of helmeted Spanish
soldiers marched across high, semi-arid country through arroyos, chamisa, and
piñon to receive homage from the fortress-pueblo of Cicuye.
Even though they
numbered not more than twenty, this medieval-looking detachment from the
expedition of Gov. Francisco Vázquez de Coronado faithfully represented the
conquering forces of Catholic Spain in America. The youthful captain, who wore
a coat of mail and rode a horse covered with leather or quilted cotton armor,
hailed his earthly Holy Caesarean Catholic Majesty in the same breath as his
Heavenly Father.” (Kessell 1979:3)
Coronado's expedition by Frederic Remington.
After searching the Llano Estecado of eastern New Mexico and
northwestern Texas his party met a band of Native Americans that he called the
Teyas, probably a Caddoan speaking group.
“The Teyas told Coronado that he was going the wrong direction. Quivira lay
to the north. After more than thirty days journey, Coronado found a river
larger than any he had seen before. This was the Arkansas and the spot where he reached it
was probably a few miles east of present day Dodge City, Kansas. The Spaniards and their Indian allies followed
the Arkansas northeast for three days and found Quivirans hunting buffalo.
Coronado reached Quivira itself after a few more days of traveling. Coronado
believed that there were 25 settlements in Quivira. The Quivirans were simple
people. Both men and women were nearly naked. Coronado spent twenty-five days
among the Quivirans trying to learn of richer kingdoms just over the horizon.
He found nothing but straw-thatched villages of up to two hundred houses and
fields containing corn, beans, and squash. A copper bell was the only evidence
of wealth he discovered. The Quivirans were almost certainly the ancestors of
the Wichita people.” (http://en.wikipedia.org
)
Quivira, mid-1890s excavation, Archaeology, Nov.-Dec. 2013, p. 10.
Quivira - 1970 excavation, Archaeology, Nov.-Dec. 2013, p. 10.
“In the mid-1890s, the
site now known as El Cuartelejo was excavated by two professors from the
University of Kansas. They found the lower portion of stone walls that formed
the foundation of a pueblo, inside of which were artifacts such as stone and
bone tools, ornaments, and pottery sherds, some of which came from the pueblos
of the Southwest. In 1970, Tom Witty of the Kansas State Historical Society
excavated further, and unearthed the entire pueblo floor, hearths, and
postholes. – El Cuartelejo – was a seven-room pueblo – covering about 1,600
square feet.” (Banyasz 2013:10) So, Quivira was not quite up to Coronado’s
expectations. It had been built and occupied by Taos Indians in the 1600s in
what is now Western Kansas, and was later occupied by a group of Picuris
Indians between 1696 and 1706. (Banyasz 2013:10) So, far from the 25 cities wealthy with gold that Coronado expected, it turned out to be a small 7-room pueblo. Quite a disappointment that.
Proposed route marker from Coronado expedition.
Bill McGlone, Ted Barker, and Phil Leonard, 1994.
Some historians claim that
Coronado carved the Castilian-style inscription "Coronatto, 1541" on Autograph Rock near Boise City in Cimarron
County. They also ascribe a compass-like marking in the area to the same source
and believe it to be a route-marker. As I stated above this would, if
authentic, be the earliest known historic inscription in North America, but its
authenticity is debatable. That leaves the Don
Juan de Oñate
inscription on Morro rock, Cibola County, New Mexico as probably the earliest
known historic inscription since the Oñate inscription is agreed by historians
to be genuine. But isn’t this an intriguing possibility?
REFERENCES:
Banyasz, Malin Grunberg
2013 Off The Grid, Archaeology, November/December 2013,
Vol. 66, No. 6, p.10.
Kessell, John L.
1979 Kiva,
Cross, and Crown, the Pecos Indians and New Mexico 1540-1840, National Park
Service, U. S. Department of the Interior, Washington D. C.
McGlone, Bill, Ted Barker, and Phil Leonard
1994 Petroglyphs
of Southeast Colorado and the Oklahoma Panhandle, Mithras, Inc., Kamas, UT.
Labels:
Boise City,
Coronado,
Coronatto,
El Cuartelejo,
historic inscription,
inscription,
Oklahoma,
Quivira,
rock art,
Spanish
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