Saturday, April 26, 2014

CRUCIBLE OF PUEBLOS – PART TWO: THE WATERFLOW PANEL



Waterflow procession panel, LA8970,
Wilshusen et al, Fig. 11.6, p. 213.

To continue with my review of Chapter 11 (pages 198 – 218) of Crucible of Pueblos: The Early Pueblo Period in the Northern Southwest by Richard H. Wilshusen, Gregson Schachner, and James R. Allison editors, (Monograph 71, Cotsen Institute of Archaeology Press, UCLA, Los Angeles, 2012). On April 18, 2014 I presented the portion of chapter 11 that focused on the Procession panel from southeastern Utah. The authors continued by stating that ”there are no known Procession panels in the central Mesa Verde region that date to the peak period of early Pueblo villages” but that “depictions of tenth century community organization do occur in at least some of these areas.”(Wilshusen and Ortman 2010:4-5)

Their example of a depiction of tenth century community organization is found at LA8970, the Waterflow site in New Mexico.

“There is a later procession panel at the Waterflow site in northwestern New Mexico (Holmes 1878:Plate XLIII, no. 1) that likely dates to the tenth century and portrays a similar ritual procession to a central place. This panel shows three parallel lines of animals and one line of ritual leaders or supernatural beings approaching from the left to the right, where there is a square we interpret to be a gathering place or community structure. In comparison with the earlier procession panel discussed above, this composition presents some notable differences, but also many similar thematic elements. The focus of the gathering is shown as a square instead of a circle; and in place of having two lobed circles associated with the community center, the square is divided into halves with two pendant shaped parallelograms in each half. In place of the almost 200 anthropomorphic figures with a handful of animal forms (elk, mountain lion, bighorn sheep) in the Comb Ridge panel there are slightly more than 40 zoomorphic figures (elk, deer, mountain lion, bird, dog) with a dozen anthropomorphic figures. Instead of four lines converging from different directions, with salutes from line to line and a variety of individuals portrayed, the later panel has a more abstract quality with little sense of individuality or event structure.
The Waterflow Panel, with its lines of different animals and divided square central place, is also suggestive of a dual division, segmentary society. The two halves of the square in the Waterflow Panel and the mirror images of double pendants within the halves encode this dualism. The central square figure may be an abstract expression of this concept, but two details lead us to suspect these square figures represent actual communities of the time. First, there are more than 40 additional squares with different interior designs at other spots along the cliffs at the Waterflow site. In at least nine cases there are groupings of pairs or multiples of squares, as though geographic or conceptual relationships between social groups or identities were being mapped. Second, in seven cases at the site these squares form the heads of anthropomorphic bodies, as though the symbol represented the group, their central structure, and their “head man” all at once. These figures with anthropomorphic bodies on emblematic bilateral squares occur in other locales in direct association with later Pueblo I-early Pueblo II communities focused on oversized pit structures or great kivas (Cole 1990; Wilshusen 1995).” (Wilshusen and Ortman 2010:4-5)

This concept of dualism is represented in the Waterflow Panel by the divided square representing the central or meeting place, the paired mirror-image designs within the halves of the divided square, and the two mountain lions guarding this central/meeting place. (Note: see my posting of January 24, 2010 about the Stone Lion Shrine in Bandelier National Monument.)

“We believe comparisons of the Waterflow Panel with the earlier Procession Panel illustrates the fundamental transformations in ritual practice, community organization, and leadership that took place between A.D. 700 and 1000. First, we propose that the balanced dualism evident in many aspects of the Procession Panel was institutionalized by the tenth century. As noted in the regional summary for the central Mesa Verde region (Wilshusen et al., Chapter 2), many early Pueblo villages appear to have been organized around dual divisions that potentially had roots in the actual pattern of group assembly during the Basketmaker III period. We suggest that the Waterflow Panel, with its divided-square central place, reflects the institutionalization of a dual division, segmentary society. This dualism is encoded primarily in the paired lions and the halved square with the mirror-image double-pendants. The central square figure may be an abstract representation of the concept of community, but several details lead us to interpret these square figures as symbols of actual communities.” (Wilshusen at al. 2012:213-4)


Cedar Hill area, Site LA79511, northeastern New Mexico,
ca. AD 900, Wilshusen et al., , Fig. 11.7, p. 214.

“First, there are a number of additional squares with different interior designs at various spots along the cliffs at the Waterflow site. Also, in at least three cases, decorated squares are presented in pairs, with distinct designs in each, as though geographic or conceptual relationships between social groups were being mapped out (see Schaafsma 1992: fig. 16, for an illustration of a group of four of these squares). Finally, in at least six cases, these squares form the heads of anthropomorphic figures with emblematic bilateral square heads (Figure 11.7) occur in other locales in direct association with tenth-century communities focused on great kivas or oversized pit structures. We therefore propose that these elaborated-square figures represent actual tenth-century communities of the area in symbolic form.” (Wilshusen et al. 2012:214)


Waterflow, Schaafsma, 1992, fig. 16, p.17.


Waterflow Site, LA8970, northwestern New Mexico, 
ca. AD 900-1000, Wilshusen et al.,  Fig. 11.7, p. 214.

All good arguments for their premise that it is a procession panel, but there are also a few points that seem to argue otherwise. There is a row of human figures above, and another one below the two central lines of animals. The lines all lead to some sort of structure or enclosure, a possible impoundment or corral, and at least three human figures have bows and arrows pointed at the animals. At first glance this could also suggest that the panel is a hunting scene and represents an animal drive toward the enclosure on the right. The presence of the pair of mountain lions could also reinforce the drive theme as they are the animal deities of the north in Pueblo belief and confer powerful hunting magic. However, the fact that these distinctive square patterned designs also occur at Waterflow and elsewhere without the possible drive context suggests otherwise. Finally the fact that they are even personalized as the heads of anthropomorphs at Waterflow and elsewhere strongly mitigates against their identification as a drive impoundment. If the authors are correct and the patterned squares represent villages/communities (or at least central ceremonial places like great kivas or dance plazas) then the anthropomorphic figures with patterned squares for heads can be seen as persons most representative of those places, possibly village chiefs or clan leaders. The example that they show from LA79511 shows a pair of the figures with a different pattern in each square, thus repeating and reinforcing the duality discussed above. This might indicate that they are the heads of the Summer and Winter clans in a Pueblo village.

The clans of the Pueblo peoples are organized into paired complementary moieties, known respectively as the Summer people and the Winter people (www.britannica.com). In many pueblos each clan is responsible for pueblo affairs for half the year. These paired figures could be the symbolic representation of the dual clans, and thus a visual representation of the governing and religious responsibilities for their division.

I wish to applaud this piece of work by Richard H. Wilshusen, Gregson Schachner, and James R. Allison as a commendable piece of analysis and an important contribution to the field of rock art. Good work gentlemen.

REFERENCES:

Cole, Sally J.
1990    Legacy on Stone, Johnson Books, Boulder, Colorado.

Schaafsma, Polly
1992    Rock Art in New Mexico, Museum of New Mexico Press, Santa Fe.

Wilshusen, Richard H., Scott G. Ortman, and Ann Phillips
2012    Processions, Leaders, and Gathering Places, in Crucible of Pueblos: The Early Pueblo Period in the Northern Southwest, by Wilshusen, Richard H., Gregson Schachner, and James R. Allison, editors, Monograph 71, Cotsen Institute of Archaeology Press, UCLA, p. 198-218.

Wilshusen, Richard H.
1995    The Cedar Hill Special Treatment Project: Late Pueblo I, Early Navajo, and Historic Occupation in Northwestern New Mexico, Research Paper No. 1, La Plata Archaeological Consultants, Dolores, Colorado.

Wilshusen, Richard H., and Scott G. Ortman
 2010   Big Gatherings to Big Pueblos: Using Architecture, Rock Art, and Linguistics
to Study Organizational Change in the Early Pueblo World, handout from  
2010 SAA Meetings. St. Louis.

Wilshusen, Richard H., Gregson Schachner, and James R. Allison, editors
2012   Crucible of Pueblos: The Early Pueblo Period in the Northern Southwest, Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, Monograph 71, UCLA, Los Angeles.

www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/482769/Pueblo-Indians

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